Reposted by Rachel M Gisselquist
Fragile Aid (co-edited with @rgisselquist.bsky.social & @apvjustino.bsky.social) focuses on the effectiveness of international aid in fragile contexts, taking stock of existing evidence and discussing what needs to change for better aid. www.wider.unu.edu/publication/... @unu-wider.bsky.social
wider.unu.edu
UNU-WIDER : Book : Fragile Aid
An important question for the future of aid concerns its role in weak states and conflict contexts. While considerable research points to a mixed record of effectiveness in these contexts, the imperat...
![At bottom, the government’s argument is that, once the Executive Branch has
removed an individual from the United States and arranged for that individual to be
held in a foreign prison, an Article III court is constitutionally disempowered from
ordering that the individual be returned to the United States—regardless of whether
the Executive Branch’s removal of the individual (i) lacked any statutory basis,
(ii) failed to afford the individual any due process, and (iii) flouted a court order,
issued pursuant to a congressional statute, barring the removal.
There is no logical stopping point to the government’s dangerous argument.
Under its logic, so long as the removed individual is confined in a foreign prison,
the President’s unfettered Article II prerogative to engage in “act[s] of foreign
relations,” Gov’t Br., at 2, bars an Article III court from intervening. If the
government’s argument were correct, the Executive Branch would possess a
shuddering degree of power—power that the President could wield in extreme and
extraordinary ways, including against American citizens that the President simply
disfavors. Not surprisingly, amici are not aware of any precedent or recognized
constitutional principle supporting the government’s argument.](https://cdn.bsky.app/img/feed_thumbnail/plain/did:plc:24vva42nxim6zbcmnozegoef/bafkreibhjdowph7g3vw7su76jprqn4afoqb3ts4bx7mjhdssawolb4yrn4)
