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Lars Erik Berntzen

@leberntzen.bsky.social
651 followers 1K following 54 posts

Associate Professor, Department of Government, University of Bergen 🇧🇻 | activism, norms, political violence

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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Rahel Freiburghaus @rfrbrghs.bsky.social · 27/09/2026
The Swiss People’s Party SVP is one of the oldest and electorally strongest radical-right parties in the world. But: electoral popularity ≠ policy popularity Voters keep supporting the SVP in elections, but only 2 out of 12 popular initiatives launched by the SVP have passed Data: Swissvotes
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Pedro Magalhães @pcmagalhaes.bsky.social · 24/09/2026
The Atlas of Social Attitudes is now live: www.atlasofsocialattitudes.eu What is it, what can you do with it, and why did we build it? A short🧵. (1)
atlasofsocialattitudes.eu
Atlas of Social Attitudes
Explore comprehensive public opinion data from the European Social Survey and the European Values Survey. Discover insights across topics, countries, an...
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 24/09/2026
A great teaching resource!
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
SciLove @scilove.bsky.social · 11/09/2026
🔥 Trending on SciLove today 🔥 🔬 The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies 👤 Harteveld et al., 2026 📖 European Journal of Political Research @ejprjournal.bsky.social 🔗 www.scilove.app/article/10.1017/s14… #PoliSci
scilove.app
🔥 Trending today: The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization (Harteveld et al., 2026) - 11/09/26
Reducing hostility between rival supporters improves social relations and democratic support, but effects vary significantly across countries. 🗳️🤝🌍
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Bastian Becker @beckerbastian.bsky.social · 11/09/2026
Does depolarization work? 💥🕊️ A multi-country experiment finds social & democratic benefits, though conditions apply! ➡️ @eelcoharteveld.bsky.social @leberntzen.bsky.social @andrejkokkonen.bsky.social @hayleekelsall.bsky.social @jonaslinde.bsky.social & Dahlberg in @ejprjournal.bsky.social
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 18/08/2026
Cool!
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 17/08/2026
Interesting study! Congrats :)
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Stuart Turnbull-Dugarte @turnbulldugarte.com · 17/08/2026
Three pre-registered experiments. One story. But now with page numbers. Non-heterosexual behaviour/identities among men is punished significantly more than the same among women.
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 13/08/2026
Thank you, Sunder.
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 13/08/2026
Interesting. Where are these numbers from?
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Julia M. Rohrer @dingdingpeng.the100.ci · 31/07/2026
This is an *excellent* video on iodine. I had learned about some of these stories from @ruben.the100.ci, but I wasn't quite aware of how much of a public health miracle iodized salt is. www.youtube.com/watch?v=XRcw...
youtube.com
The easiest way to make the world smarter
YouTube video by Rabbit Hole
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 11/07/2026
Too intense
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
American Statistical Association History of Statistics @hos-asa.bsky.social · 04/07/2026
#OTD 1857 John Snow shows again the thinking that made him one of the founders of epidemiology. In a letter to the Lancet, he suggests that the routine adulteration of bread with alum might be a cause of rickets, a mechanistic hypothesis to explain it, then a case-control design to test it. 1/5🧵
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Jay Van Bavel, PhD @jayvanbavel.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
A new study provides causal evidence from 9 countries where they experimentally manipulated intergroup polarization: When polarization decreases people discriminate less, while support for democratic principles increases & willingness to engage in compromise grows phys.org/news/2026-06...
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
Wow! Congratulations!
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
Hele boken er åpent tilgjengelig her: www.scup.com/doi/book/10....
scup.com
Scandinavian University Press
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
Dette kapittelet analyserer hvordan høyreekstrem ideologi har utartet seg i Norge etter terrorangrepene 22. juli 2011. Vi tar for oss tre hovedstrømninger: nasjonalsosialisme, islamfiendtlighet og etnisk nasjonalisme. For hver strømning drøftes sentrale ideologiske trekk, problemforståelser, fiendebilder og løsningsforslag i en norsk kontekst. Kapittelet viser at strømningene er ulike, men samtidig forbundet gjennom en felles illiberal kjerne: et verdensbilde som setter kollektive identiteter over universelle rettigheter og utfordrer grunnprinsippene i det liberale demokratiet. Nasjonalsosialismen er forankret i biologisk rasisme og antisemittisme, islamfiendtligheten fremstiller islam som en totalitær trussel mot Vesten, mens etnisk nasjonalisme vektlegger etnisk tilhørighet, kulturell rotfestethet og motstand mot liberal universalisme. Samtidig argumenterer kapittelet for at disse strømningene ikke har endret seg grunnleggende i Norge etter 22. juli, men at grensene mellom dem over tid er blitt noe mer utydelige. Analysen gir dermed et rammeverk for å forstå både kontinuitet og endring i høyreekstrem ideologi i dagens Norge.Dette kapittelet analyserer hvordan høyreekstrem ideologi har utartet seg i Norge etter terrorangrepene 22. juli 2011. Vi tar for oss tre hovedstrømninger: nasjonalsosialisme, islamfiendtlighet og etnisk nasjonalisme. For hver strømning drøftes sentrale ideologiske trekk, problemforståelser, fiendebilder og løsningsforslag i en norsk kontekst. Kapittelet viser at strømningene er ulike, men samtidig forbundet gjennom en felles illiberal kjerne: et verdensbilde som setter kollektive identiteter over universelle rettigheter og utfordrer grunnprinsippene i det liberale demokratiet. Nasjonalsosialismen er forankret i biologisk rasisme og antisemittisme, islamfiendtligheten fremstiller islam som en totalitær trussel mot Vesten, mens etnisk nasjonalisme vektlegger etnisk tilhørighet, kulturell rotfestethet og motstand mot liberal universalisme. Samtidig argumenterer kapittelet for at disse strømningene ikke har endret seg grunnleggende i Norge etter 22. juli, men at grensene mellom dem over tid er blitt noe mer utydelige. Analysen gir dermed et rammeverk for å forstå både kontinuitet og endring i høyreekstrem ideologi i dagens Norge.Dette kapittelet analyserer hvordan høyreekstrem ideologi har utartet seg i Norge etter terrorangrepene 22. juli 2011. Vi tar for oss tre hovedstrømninger: nasjonalsosialisme, islamfiendtlighet og etnisk nasjonalisme. For hver strømning drøftes sentrale ideologiske trekk, problemforståelser, fiendebilder og løsningsforslag i en norsk kontekst. Kapittelet viser at strømningene er ulike, men samtidig forbundet gjennom en felles illiberal kjerne: et verdensbilde som setter kollektive identiteter over universelle rettigheter og utfordrer grunnprinsippene i det liberale demokratiet. Nasjonalsosialismen er forankret i biologisk rasisme og antisemittisme, islamfiendtligheten fremstiller islam som en totalitær trussel mot Vesten, mens etnisk nasjonalisme vektlegger etnisk tilhørighet, kulturell rotfestethet og motstand mot liberal universalisme. Samtidig argumenterer kapittelet for at disse strømningene ikke har endret seg grunnleggende i Norge etter 22. juli, men at grensene mellom dem over tid er blitt noe mer utydelige. Analysen gir dermed et rammeverk for å forstå både kontinuitet og endring i høyreekstrem ideologi i dagens Norge.Dette kapittelet analyserer hvordan høyreekstrem ideologi har utartet seg i Norge etter terrorangrepene 22. juli 2011. Vi tar for oss tre hovedstrømninger: nasjonalsosialisme, islamfiendtlighet og etnisk nasjonalisme. For hver strømning drøftes sentrale ideologiske trekk, problemforståelser, fiendebilder og løsningsforslag i en norsk kontekst. Kapittelet viser at strømningene er ulike, men samtidig forbundet gjennom en felles illiberal kjerne: et verdensbilde som setter kollektive identiteter over universelle rettigheter og utfordrer grunnprinsippene i det liberale demokratiet. Nasjonalsosialismen er forankret i biologisk rasisme og antisemittisme, islamfiendtligheten fremstiller islam som en totalitær trussel mot Vesten, mens etnisk nasjonalisme vektlegger etnisk tilhørighet, kulturell rotfestethet og motstand mot liberal universalisme. Samtidig argumenterer kapittelet for at disse strømningene ikke har endret seg grunnleggende i Norge etter 22. juli, men at grensene mellom dem over tid er blitt noe mer utydelige. Analysen gir dermed et rammeverk for å forstå både kontinuitet og endring i høyreekstrem ideologi i dagens Norge.
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
Har bidratt med kapittelet "Høyreekstrem ideologi – sentrale strømninger i dagens Norge" sammen med @jacravn.bsky.social i boken "Høyreekstremisme i Norge etter 22. juli", redigert av @arjupskas.bsky.social @crexuio.bsky.social
scup.com
1. Høyreekstrem ideologi – sentrale strømninger i dagens Norge
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
Ps: Study is described as being led by me and my team, but lead here is actually @eelcoharteveld.bsky.social
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
@eelcoharteveld.bsky.social @jonaslinde.bsky.social @andrejkokkonen.bsky.social @hayleekelsall.bsky.social
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
Full @ejprjournal.bsky.social article "The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies": www.cambridge.org/core/journal...
cambridge.org
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies | European Journal of Political Research | Cambridge Core
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 26/06/2026
@newsweek.com report on our comparative study of the impact of affective polarization
newsweek.com
Scientists found a way to ease political hostility—then came the US result
The researcher told Newsweek that "partisan animosity in the U.S. may simply be too far gone."
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 15/06/2026
Out in POQ -- Mind the Gap: Partisan Bias in Justifying Political Violence in the United States academic.oup.com/poq/article/...
academic.oup.com
Mind the Gap: Partisan Bias in Justifying Political Violence in the United States
Abstract. Political polarization in America has intensified beyond mere disagreement to what scholars characterize as sectarianism—a condition where partis
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 25/06/2026
This is great! Will bookmark for teaching
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Kristoffer Magnusson @rpsychologist.com · 25/06/2026
New interactive blog! "Why Adjusted Regression Coefficients Are Less Descriptive Than They Look" rpsychologist.com/descriptive-...
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Per Engzell @pengzell.bsky.social · 25/06/2026
The most unrealistic assumption in social science is that respondents read survey questions the way researchers do
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Brendan Cantwell @cantb.bsky.social · 24/06/2026
Faculty are forever making fun of students for asking questions that are answered on the syllabus but if you’ve ever been to a faculty meeting you know that faculty constantly ask questions that are answered by the program handbook or departmental bylaws. Constantly (me included).
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Perspectives on Politics @poppublicsphere.bsky.social · 24/06/2026
NOW OUT ON FIRSTVIEW!! Citizen–Elite #Toxicity & #Political #Equality Online By @janabelschner.bsky.social & Linn Sandberg doi.org/10.1017/S153...
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Jacob Aasland Ravndal @jacravn.bsky.social · 23/06/2026
I år er det 15 år siden 22. juli-terrorangrepet. I den anledning har vi skrevet bok om høyreekstremisme i Norge etter 22. juli. Boka oppsummerer 10 år med forkning ved @crexuio.bsky.social og er åpent tilgjengelig for alle her: www.scup.com/doi/book/10....
scup.com
Scandinavian University Press
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Brendan Nyhan @brendannyhan.bsky.social · 22/06/2026
Yet again www.nber.org/papers/w3535...
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Daniel Tavana @danieltavana.bsky.social · 17/06/2026
How many Iranians support the Islamic Republic? In a new working paper, we answer this using a nationally representative survey of 2,000 adults in Iran—and the list experiment, a method for measuring sensitive attitudes.
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Alejandro Fernández-Roldán @aleferna.bsky.social · 16/06/2026
If you work on public opinion and/or political behaviour you might want to consider submitting your abstract(s) to JCPOP 2026 in Barcelona - All the info 👇
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 15/06/2026
Out in POQ -- Mind the Gap: Partisan Bias in Justifying Political Violence in the United States academic.oup.com/poq/article/...
academic.oup.com
Mind the Gap: Partisan Bias in Justifying Political Violence in the United States
Abstract. Political polarization in America has intensified beyond mere disagreement to what scholars characterize as sectarianism—a condition where partis
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Rahel Freiburghaus @rfrbrghs.bsky.social · 25/04/2026
In June, Switzerland will vote on what is so far the most radical far-right popular initiative launched by the Swiss People‘s Party SVP: capping the population at 10M (currently ≈9.1M). In this thread, I’ll break down what it’s about and how it fits into broader findings on Swiss direct democracy
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European Journal of Political Research @ejprjournal.bsky.social · 11/06/2026
Taking a stand ✋️🧍 These authors 🧵 use survey data across 9 countries to assess the downstreams consequences of #AffectivePolarization & intervene to successfully reduce participants #AffectivePolarization in 6 of the 9, improving interpersonal relations and social norms buff.ly/tHRWa65
cambridge.org
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies | European Journal of Political Research | Cambridge Core
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 24/05/2026
Does affective polarization itself actually threaten democracy? Recent experiments from the US suggest maybe not. In our new @ejprjournal.bsky.social paper, we revisit this question comparatively with a survey experiment in 9 democracies (18,000 respondents). #polisky
cambridge.org
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies | European Journal of Political Research | Cambridge Core
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies
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Yiqing Xu @yiqingxu.bsky.social · 05/06/2026
1/ Happy to share that "Factorial Difference-in-Differences" (FDID), with Anqi Zhao and @pengding00 , is out in JASA - ACS. doi.org/10.1080/0162... It has been a truly thrilling experience working with Anqi and Peng.
doi.org
Factorial Difference-in-Differences
We formulate factorial difference-in-differences (FDID), a research design that extends canonical difference-in-differences (DID) to settings in which an event affects all units. In many panel data...
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 02/06/2026
Frustrating that AI has sullied the em-dash. It's just so versatile! I haven't been able to come up with a good replacement, so am going to reclaim it despite the risks its use now carries.
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 02/06/2026
Haha! Funny
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Cambridge University Press Political Science & IR @cambup-polsci.cambridge.org · 29/05/2026
#OpenAccess from @ejprjournal.bsky.social - The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies - cup.org/43vEJV0 - @eelcoharteveld.bsky.social, @leberntzen.bsky.social, @andrejkokkonen.bsky.social, @hayleekelsall.bsky.social, et al #FirstView
Logo for the European Journal of Political Research displaying the text "EJPR European Journal of Political Research" in cream letters on a blue background, accompanied by the hashtag "#OpenAccess".
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Reposted by Lars Erik Berntzen
Department of Comparative Politics UiB @sampol.bsky.social · 26/05/2026
🌟 New article 👥 Eelco Harteveld, Lars Erik Berntzen, Andrej Kokkonen, Haylee Kelsall, Jonas Linde & Stefan Dahlberg 👉 The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies 📗 European Journal of Political Research 🔗 www.cambridge.org/core/journal...
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 25/05/2026
LLM-sycophancy is a major concern across a whole range of domains. But as ⬇️ points out, worth thinking about what a meaningful control group is here
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 25/05/2026
Good point
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 24/05/2026
Thanks to @ejprjournal.bsky.social and editorial team as well as reviewers. Funding provided by Research Council of Norway, Swedish Research Council, and the Dutch Research Council.
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 24/05/2026
So affective polarization has a causal impact on interpersonal relations & democratic attitudes, but its effects depend on political context. @eelcoharteveld.bsky.social spearheaded study & paper👏 with @andrejkokkonen.bsky.social @hayleekelsall.bsky.social @jonaslinde.bsky.social Dahlberg & me.
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 24/05/2026
Yet consistent with prior US work, our affective polarization manipulation produced the weakest effects in the US (alongside Italy!). Why? One possible reason is political entrenchment. Views on compromise, democracy, and tolerance may have become identity markers, making them harder to move.
Effects on consequence items per country (items and scales).
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 24/05/2026
We find: Reducing affective polarization makes people less likely to discriminate against or avoid political opponents. In several countries, it strengthens support for democratic rights and willingness to compromise. This challenges the US-based view that consequences are mainly interpersonal.
Marginal effects of stimuli on affective polarization outcomes, compared to the control group.

Note: Marginal effects of two experimental conditions (compared to the control group) on the 0–100 feeling thermometer, with 90% confidence intervalsPooled model: effects of depolarization on consequences.
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Lars Erik Berntzen @leberntzen.bsky.social · 24/05/2026
Does affective polarization itself actually threaten democracy? Recent experiments from the US suggest maybe not. In our new @ejprjournal.bsky.social paper, we revisit this question comparatively with a survey experiment in 9 democracies (18,000 respondents). #polisky
cambridge.org
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies | European Journal of Political Research | Cambridge Core
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies
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Cas Mudde @casmudde.bsky.social · 23/05/2026
As I have been arguing for almost a decade, populism is a secondary feature for most populist actors. Moreover, the main current threat to liberal democracy comes from the far right, which at least in Europe and U.S., is primarily nativist. In fact, some are barely populist anymore.
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