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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 09/10/2026

2/2 🧵👉 Authoritarian, But Not Nativist - @aborges75.bsky.social & @lisazanottiphd.bsky.social examine how far-right parties in Latin America compare to their Western European counterparts. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/cHyT0LR #polsci #polsky #LatinAmericanPolitics #FarRightPolitics

Abstract
Research on far-right parties has mostly focused on Western Europe, where anti-immigration agendas and related nativist ideas have played a major role in right-wing radicalization. In this article, we analyze the rise of the far right in Latin America, a region where immigration has been much less prominent in public debates. Drawing on the 2020 Chapell Hill Expert Survey, we propose to assess the extent to which Latin American far-right parties fit existing conceptualizations that identify nativism and authoritarianism as the core characteristics of this party family. Given the relative unimportance of nativism as a distinguishing feature of cases of right-wing extremism/radicalism in the region, we propose a more parsimonious conceptualization of the far right. We also develop a typological classification and find that authoritarian-fundamentalist parties that embrace an extreme form of religious conservatism are the most common subtype of far-right party in Latin America.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 09/10/2026

1/2 🧵👉 How, when & where does authenticity appear & change in politics? Henrique Sposito examines authenticity performances in politics in Brazil & US since 1988. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/Lv1kmdE #polsci #polisky #PoliticalCommunication

Abstract
Political authenticity is connected to higher levels of political trust from electorates and can influence political outcomes, but it is often overlooked as a relevant factor for electoral behavior. To date, discussions of how authenticity appears and changes in politics typically remain at the theoretical level and are rarely comparative. This article develops a framework to identify and compare how authenticity is performed in political discourses over time and across settings by politicians. To demonstrate the usefulness of the framework, this article investigates authenticity performances in 21,496 political texts of electoral debates, interviews, campaigns, and official speeches by presidents and presidential candidates in Brazil and the United States since 1988. The findings indicate that authenticity is generally performed with greater frequency by presidents and presidential candidates in Brazil than in the United States, though authenticity performances are not more prevalent during election years in either country.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 09/10/2026

Are you puzzling over the recent Brazilian presidential first round election result? We've pulled two recently published pieces to help illuminate what's going on in the Brazilian and wider Latin American far right political context. Open the thread below 🧵👇 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsci

131

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 08/10/2026

Did Biden’s 2024 exit reshape electoral outcomes? @mattmotta.bsky.social, Trujillo, @stecula.bsky.social, Callaghan, @ophiryotam.bsky.social & @drorwalter.bsky.social examine panel data, finding no turnout effects but higher excitement and Democratic engagement. Read more: buff.ly/q2pN1n9 #polsci

Abstract
We assess the impact of former President Joe Biden’s unprecedented decision to exit the 2024 Presidential race 2 months before election day by analyzing a naturally-occurring experiment surrounding the incumbent President’s decision to exit the 2024 race, a period in which we fielded the second wave (NWave 2 = 831) of a nationally-representative panel study (NWave 1 = 1400), with random invitation assignment (from the original response pool) throughout Wave 2. Pre-registered difference-in-difference (DID) analyses reveal no evidence of significant turnout or down-ballot effects across either the US adult population or partisan subgroups. However, post hoc tests reveal substantial gains in excitement about the 2024 campaign across both the general population and (especially) among self-identified Democrats after President Biden’s decision to drop out. Elevated excitement coincided with (a) increased belief in core democratic principles and (b) increased donation to Democrats up and down the ballot.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 07/10/2026

Do parties & voters agree on EU exit referendums? @acgoldberg.bsky.social & @alessandronai.bsky.social examine 10 countries, showing parties are more opposed than voters, with gaps narrowing as issue salience rises. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/p6gswBf @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #EuropeanPolitics

$Abstract The fracture between citizens and elites on European integration remains understudied, most notably when it comes to specific issues. One of these issues, particularly salient in the aftermath of Brexit, is holding further European Union exit referendums across the Union. While regularly floated by (Eurosceptic) parties for electoral purposes, it remains unclear to what extent parties and citizens agree to actually hold European Union exit referendums. We examine the relationship between party and citizen stances on this issue in 10 European Union member states, leveraging original cross-country survey data and expert survey data on parties’ positions, both collected in 2019. The results show that parties tend to be more against holding a European Union exit referendum than their voters, less so the more extreme parties. Moreover, higher media saliency correlates with greater party–voter congruence, and the issue is more polarised among the electorate than at the party level.$

185

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 05/10/2026

How do opposition parties become viable under dominant-party rule? Nur Sinem Kourou & Ahmet Cemal Ertürk examine Turkey’s CHP, arguing “transformative accumulation” builds capacity through ideology, leadership and organisation. Read more: buff.ly/1IVW6fl @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
How do opposition parties become viable alternatives under dominant-party rule? Existing studies often attribute opposition change to electoral shocks or short-term campaign strategies, offering limited insight into how governing capacity is constructed under asymmetric political conditions. This article introduces the concept of transformative accumulation to analyze the recent trajectory of Turkey’s Republican People’s Party under the long-standing dominance of the Justice and Development Party. Drawing on 13 elite-level interviews with incumbent and former party officials, campaign consultants, and local leaders, the study identifies three interwoven narratives—ideological, institutional, and leadership—that structure this transformation. It shows how the Republican People’s Party recalibrated its ideological appeal, adopted a more inclusive leadership model, and strengthened its administrative and communicative capacities despite persistent institutional constraints. While acknowledging the continued structural advantages enjoyed by the Justice and Development Party, the article demonstrates how opposition parties can reposition themselves as viable alternatives within competitive authoritarian regimes. Conceptually, it shifts the analysis of opposition politics away from episodic electoral moments toward a process-based framework for studying opposition agency under dominant-party rule.

113

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 04/10/2026

Can polarized politics still share an issue agenda? @mathiastromborg.bsky.social and Carsten Jensen examine the 2020 US election, finding major political actors generally agreed on the most important issues. Read more: buff.ly/iALWctr @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #USPolitics

Abstract
American voters, politicians, and media are increasingly hostile toward out-partisans and frequently disagree about the content of policies. This development raises an even more fundamental question about the nature of politics in highly polarized societies: Can the political actors even agree on what issues to disagree about, and why? To answer this critical question, we generate a massive new dataset covering communication by key actors from the last 2 months of the 2020 US Presidential election, including the presidential candidates (all tweets by Donald Trump and Joe Biden), the main news organizations (CNN and Fox News), and a large and original voter survey (N ~ 24,000) with daily representative data. Surprisingly, we find that the patterns of agenda setting in the 2020 election reduced rather than fueled agenda diversity and that the major political actors generally agreed on what the most important issues were in this otherwise polarized election.

033

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 03/10/2026

What does it mean to place yourself on the left or right? @joelletasker.bsky.social examines 2014-2024 UK panel data, finding economic and cultural values both matter, with culture increasingly important. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/VJulLCc @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #UKPolitics

Abstract
Understanding how voters use the left-right scale is essential, as it is not only related to vote choice but also underpins how political scientists study ideology. This article finds that the way voters use the left-right scale is variable. Using British Election Study Internet Panel data from 2014 to 2024, I find that while economic and cultural values are both related to left-right self-placement, this varies both between individuals and over time. Those on the left of the self-placement scale can best be differentiated from one another by the strength of their economic values. For those on the right, cultural values are more useful in separating between different self-placement levels. Over time, left-right self-placement has become increasingly related to cultural values alongside economic values, driven by movements by people on both sides of the left-right scale. These findings indicate that even within one country, the meanings of ‘left’ and ‘right’ vary.

0104

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 01/10/2026

Do parties shape climate funds? Soham Banerjee, Dishil Shrimankar & Matthew Paterson find projects favour the PM’s allies in competitive constituencies in opposition-governed states. Read more: buff.ly/p5i1IMz @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ClimatePolicy

Abstract
Do political parties shape where International Climate Funds are allocated? We examine this question in the context of India, where International Climate Funds create opportunities for the central government to leverage externally funded resources to advance domestic political interests. Drawing on a novel geo-coded dataset of project locations from the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism, we show that projects are more likely to be allocated to constituencies represented by co-partisans of the Prime Minister’s party, and that this effect is strongest in competitive constituencies within states governed by opposition parties, where the central government has the sharpest incentives to build new support. This is surprising because existing literature on the Clean Development Mechanism suggests that decisions on project allocations are depoliticized. By demonstrating otherwise, this article contributes to the literature on International Climate Funds by demonstrating the importance of domestic politics in shaping its distribution.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 30/09/2026

Does radical right success change attitudes or the local climate? Stefan Dahlberg, @hilmal.bsky.social & @polhosc.bsky.social examine Sweden, finding contextual alignment, not persuasion. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/rI91be4 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #RadicalRight

"Abstract
Electoral success of radical right parties is often argued to normalize previously stigmatized anti-immigration attitudes. Yet, it remains unclear whether such normalization reflects genuine within-individual persuasion or shifts in the local climate of political expression. We address this question by linking highly disaggregated district-level vote shares to individual-level panel survey data from Sweden (2018–2022), a period marked by sustained growth and partial normalization of the Sweden Democrats. Cross-sectional analyses reveal pronounced contextual patterns: Restrictive immigration attitudes are more prevalent in districts with higher local radical right support, particularly among voters who do not support the party, while core supporters remain comparatively stable. However, first-difference panel analyses provide little evidence that changes in local radical right support are associated with attitudinal change. The findings suggest that what appears as normalization in ecological analyses is more consistent with contextual alignment than with rapid persuasion, clarifying the micro-foundations of radical right normalization."

175

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 29/09/2026

When conflict forces people from their homes, does it change how they vote? @galbitton.bsky.social finds that displaced residents shift rightward in their political identity, but don't change their vote. Read more: buff.ly/Qv5xJMw @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #researchnote #ConflictPolitics

Abstract
Does exposure to conflict displacement amplify support for far-right parties? This study investigates the political consequences of conflict-induced displacement in northern Israel by exploiting a natural experiment arising from government-ordered evacuations during military conflicts. Using a pre-registered survey and a regression discontinuity design based on an exogenous 5 km threshold, I assess changes in retrospective and prospective voting behavior as well as self-reported political ideology. The analysis reveals no evidence that displacement increases far-right support or induces partisan realignment. Rather, evacuees demonstrate a modest rightward shift in ideological self-placement without corresponding changes in voting behavior. This divergence suggests that displacement influences symbolic political positioning without prompting corresponding changes in voting behavior. These patterns unfold against a broader backdrop of political frustration and electoral disengagement that affects both displaced and non-displaced populations. The findings reveal troubling implications for democratic accountability during external conflict: leaders may be shielded from electoral consequences of security failures even as civic engagement deteriorates, challenging models of wartime accountability.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 28/09/2026

Can youth volunteering reduce class-based gaps in voting? @clarawe.bsky.social & @leoazzollini.bsky.social find volunteering nearly closes the participation gap linked to social origin, especially for blue-collar working-class children. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/3MYAfvU @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

"Abstract
Differences in political participation between social classes are well documented, yet less is known about the mechanisms that may reduce these gaps. This article adopts a life-course perspective to investigate whether youth volunteering can mitigate class-based inequalities in electoral participation. Using longitudinal data from Germany, we analyse how class of origin affects voting for the newly enfranchised, how volunteering influences turnout, and how both factors interact. Our findings show that, while individuals from working-class backgrounds are less likely to vote and youth volunteering increases electoral participation for all, volunteering during youth nearly closes the participation gap linked to social origin and uplifts specifically blue-collar working-class children’s electoral participation. These results suggest that voluntary engagement in youth can serve as a “school of democracy,” reducing class-based inequalities in political participation starting at an early age, which remain persistent otherwise."

163

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 25/09/2026

Can workplace democracy exist in practice or do democratic organisations inevitably devolve into new hierarchies? @timchristiaens.bsky.social argues channels for plebeian contestation from below are needed to withhold the formation of new hierarchies. OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/c0RacFk #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Worker cooperatives are often lauded as the ideal institutional form of workplace democracy. While the traditional firm subjects workers to hierarchical authority, cooperatives establish workers as owners and managers of their own venture. However, since 1911 Robert Michels popularised the phrase of an “iron law of oligarchy” to argue how nominally democratic institutions, like worker cooperatives, often fall back into hierarchical patterns. I claim that this criticism against workplace democracy is based on a misreading of Michels’ philosophy and a misrepresentation of today’s empirical research on cooperative management. Both present worker cooperatives as hybrid institutions torn between oligarchic and democratic pulls. By counterbalancing tendencies towards a concentration of power at the top with countervailing institutions that help rank-and-file workers contest managerial decision-making, worker cooperatives can safeguard themselves against degeneration and the iron law of oligarchy. This proposal of instituting workplace democracy through constant anti-hierarchical conflict, I call “plebeian cooperativism."

044

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 24/09/2026

Can social media enable popular counter-power while reinforcing elite influence? @absander.bsky.social examines #saccageparis, finding its digital tactics gave citizens a tribunate role despite its non-popular composition. OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/2z1TPOo @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

"Abstract
This article argues that the case of an idiosyncratic digital movement in Paris—#saccageparis—has much to contribute to recent debates around social media’s democratic potential. #saccageparis leaders paint themselves as contemporary tribunes of the plebs, a permanent counter-power representing the “small people” of Paris against the municipality. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, I examine in this article such claim. On the one hand, Twitter’s affordances enabled ordinary citizens to gain some of the attributes of a popular tribunate standing up to power while, on the other hand, the movement only gained this foothold because it was not itself popular. #saccageparis’s composition therefore contradicts its tactics, and the movement is best described as “bourgeois populism.” This case shows us how social media’s populist affordances can be exploited by elites and, as a result, offers precious insights for those interested in rescuing social media’s radical-democratic possibilities from elite capture."

043

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 22/09/2026

Should we exaggerate support for #democracy to save it? Maxime Lepoutre examines the dilemma of affirming democracy during democratic backsliding. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/f0fAwu0 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ethics

"Abstract
Democracies around the world have increasingly faced concerted efforts to dismantle democratic institutions. How should public speakers respond to such attempts at democratic backsliding? A widespread rhetorical strategy is to affirm democracy—that is, to publicly invoke the value of democracy and vigorously insist on the need to defend it. I argue that this practice gives rise to an underappreciated democratic dilemma. On one hand, distinctive features of the backsliding process seemingly require us to affirm democracy. Yet, on the other hand, this practice also poses serious dangers for democracy. For one, it risks accelerating democratic erosion. Moreover, efforts to limit this risk seemingly violate democratic requirements of truthfulness. So, both affirming democracy and failing to do so involve significant democratic pitfalls. The best way to navigate this dilemma, I contend, is not to forgo affirming democracy. Instead, it is to do so in a way that emphasises elites’ concrete attacks on democracy, while insisting that most people are strongly committed to democracy. While this approach may indeed involve some deception—insofar as it may knowingly overstate support for democracy—this is often all-things-considered justified."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 21/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How does republican theory reimagine economic freedom? Sean Irving explores John Francis Bray’s economic republicanism and its implications for markets and justice. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/a4aGPuz @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
In recent years political theorists have applied republican ideas to considerations of economic freedom. The development of a distinct socialist republicanism has been one strand of this literature, while another has claimed the centrality of a free market to freedom understood in republican terms. Revisiting the work of John Francis Bray (1809–1897) can point us beyond these binaries. Bray applied republican ideas, developed in the register of constitutionalism, to issues of exchange and production. He did not, however, do so in the name of the free market or of socialism. Rather, his concern was to create a system of popular economic self-government. Doing so, Bray believed, would involve a combination of markets and economic democracy, involving worker cooperatives and indicative economic planning. In Bray’s work, we find an economic republicanism which, out of a concern to establish popular economic self-government, combined elements of what have become two distinct camps.

011

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 20/09/2026

How much more complicated does government formation get when one more party enters parliament? Chris Hanretty (@chanret.bsky.social) finds identifiability declines as parties increase, with no "sweet spots". Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/EPcxz0X @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #PartySystems

"Abstract
Government identifiability – the degree to which the party composition of the eventual government can be predicted given the election results – is a desirable characteristic of a political system. But the measurement of identifiability has remained impressionistic, limiting our ability to speak precisely about trade-offs between identifiability and other characteristics of the political system. I show that a recent measure of bargaining complexity by Cronert and Nyman acts as a ratio-level measure of government identifiability measured in bits – or equivalently, the number of yes/no questions needed to identify the composition of the government. I then show how identifiability is linearly related to the number of seat-winning parties in three different contexts: parliamentary governments, presidential cabinets, and municipal governments. Across all three contexts, an additional seat-winning party increases entropy of government formation by between 0.7 and 0.8 bits. Since identifiability is linearly related to the number of parties, any increase in the number of parties through electoral reform will worsen identifiability by the same amount. Conversely, there are no “sweet spots” where we can achieve high levels of identifiability at low cost in terms of the number of parties."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 20/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Polarized attitudes and anti-democratic orientation in the US - Ariel Malka, Christopher M Federico, Thomas H Costello & Adam R Panish examine paradoxical partisan asymmetries in current democratic attitudes. Read more: buff.ly/dVEZQr8 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsci #polsky

Abstract
Influential perspectives on polarization in the United States imply that partisans will be more willing to degrade democracy when they are ideologically aligned with their own party and negatively oriented toward the opposing party. But psychological accounts of political ideology suggest that conservatives will be especially anti-democratic regardless of partisanship. Integrating insights from these areas, we argue that there are reasons to expect paradoxical partisan asymmetries in the ideological correlates of democratic attitudes. Across numerous surveys we find that cultural conservatism and out-party favorability are reliably associated with anti-democratic orientation among Democrats (but not Republicans), while left-leaning economic attitudes are reliably associated with anti-democratic orientation among Republicans (but not Democrats). These findings provide context for understanding how polarization might impact American democracy. They also suggest that increased centrality of sociocultural conflict and Republican cultivation of a right-wing populist reputation might sort anti-democratic Americans into the Republican Party.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 19/09/2026

Does ideological congruence or perceived competence matter more for vote choice? @dieterstiers.bsky.social & @annkristinkolln.bsky.social argue both matter, but valence consistently outweighs spatial considerations. Read more: buff.ly/J3cy21u @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Rational choice theories offer one of the major explanations for citizens’ voting behavior. The most prominent models within the rational choice framework – spatial and valence voting – share the same roots but differ in central aspects, emphasizing ideological congruence and competence evaluations, respectively. In this note, we provide a direct test of the models’ relative strength. Does a party’s issue congruence with a voter (spatial) or its effectiveness in handling important issues (valence) have a larger effect on vote choice? Our results from lab-like conditions using a novel conjoint experiment show strong evidence for both models, but valence evaluations consistently trump spatial considerations. These results have important implications for research on electoral behavior, party politics, and democratic representation.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 19/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How do populist citizens understand democracy? Patricia Rehus & @steven-vanhauwaert.bsky.social find they tend to support direct democracy & are less supportive of liberal principles. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/XhXgcjl @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Populist leaders often describe democracy as being in conflict with liberal values and endorse more direct democratic measures for people to influence politics. But what about populist citizens? How do they define democracy and what aspects of democracy do they value most? Using a cross-national survey of 10 West European countries, we first explore how citizens understand democracy in general and then test the assumption that populist citizens share a different understanding of democracy to both populist elites and less-populist individuals. Our findings show that citizens’ conceptions of democracy do not exactly match scholarly models, but are still clearly structured. We also find that populist citizens tend to support direct democracy and are less supportive of liberal principles, primarily because they are less likely to support the protection of minorities. They remain, however, equally supportive of other institutions of electoral and liberal democracy. Similarly, our results show that populist individuals are not especially more or less supportive of egalitarian and authoritarian understandings of democracy. That said, they are more comfortable with the idea of having strong leaders than their less populist counterparts. These results have important implications for democratic resilience. Policy-makers aiming to strengthen liberal democracy must address citizens’ concerns about representation without compromising core democratic safeguards. Understanding these tensions can help guide more inclusive democratic reforms and better communication between political institutions and the public.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 18/09/2026

Election is no guarantee a politician is viewed as an adequate representative - Hendriks & Saward capture how contemporary elected representatives & their teams invest heavily in backstage efforts to show their capacity to represent. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/tHXGHqD @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

Abstract
The work of being an elected representative today is increasingly demanding as they seek to perform representation amid political distrust, polarised electorates, and rising populism. In response, elected representatives and their teams invest heavily in developing and showcasing their capacities to represent. This variously involves constructing representative personas, designing participatory events, curating diverse digital content, and communicating evidence on how and where they are representing. Extending Saward’s representative claim-making framework, this article develops the concept of representative-capacity-making to better understand this overlooked (‘backstage’) aspect of modern representation. The article explores – in concept only – the work involved in developing and demonstrating four key representative capacities. The normative implications of representative-capacity-making in an era of democratic strain are considered. While representative-capacity-making can be read as a response to the challenges of democratic representation today, the extent to which it can be a solution is mixed, in specified ways.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 18/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Politicized pejoration - @erikbleich.bsky.social, Husam AlZubaidy, Andrey Cao, Abigail Chang, Nikki Sadat, Abby Ward & A Maurits van der Veen develop the concept through a case study of the term “woke” in the US. Read more: buff.ly/lqoCtN7 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Politicized semantic change occurs when ideological actors strategically alter the meaning of existing terms to undermine opponents and to strengthen allies. We develop the concept of politicized pejoration through a case study of the term “woke” in the United States. This word originated in the US Black community as an encouragement to stay aware of social and racial injustices; it was subsequently transformed by the political right to indicate what it perceived as the left’s hypersensitivity and oppressive tendencies. We illustrate the process of pejoration by tracking usage of “woke” in mainstream media outlets, on Twitter and in Google searches from 2010 through 2022, combining quantitative text-as-data analyses with qualitative readings of media stories. Conceptualizing politicized pejoration as a form of politicized semantic change extends scholarly and public understanding of the politics of language.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 17/09/2026

Why can sexism remain invisible to women candidates who experience it? @clemencedeswert.bsky.social, @robindevroe.bsky.social, @elisestorme.bsky.social & @emilievh.bsky.social identify 7 mechanisms disconnecting it from candidates’ experiences. More: buff.ly/fyJcJzV @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 17/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How do non-party actors view far-right parties in Australia? @imogenrichards.bsky.social, Callum Jones, Jordan McSwiney & @kurtsengul.bsky.social explore perceptions & relationships within the far-right ecosystem beyond formal politics.Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/uxTW0e3 #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Far-right political parties form an integral component of the broader far-right landscape globally. While these parties have received extensive scholarly attention, less is known about how they are perceived within the wider far-right milieu – a relationship with significant implications for understanding movement-party dynamics in contemporary democracies. This article investigates the relationship between far-right political parties and the non-party sector through a mixed-methods approach, combining keyword frequency analysis, sentiment analysis, and qualitative content analysis. Drawing on large-scale data sets from Telegram, X (formerly Twitter), 8kun, and far-right alternative media outlets in Australia, we explore two key research questions: How does the non-party sector perceive far-right parties and politicians? And what role do these parties play within the broader far-right ecosystem? Our findings reveal a complex and often contradictory relationship, with non-party actors expressing views that reflect deeper ideological, organisational, and strategic divisions within far-right movements. These patterns of conditional support, strategic adaptation, and ideological tension offer insights applicable beyond Australia, contributing to theoretical understanding of how extra-parliamentary actors evaluate electoral politics across democratic settings.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 16/09/2026

Greenwashing doesn't just mislead consumers. It corrupts democratic rhetoric, letting corporations pose as agents of political change. Our everyday language helps make that possible. Corrado Fumagalli argues we have a duty to counter-frame in ordinary conversations: buff.ly/JNSnFiW #polsky #polsci

"Abstract
Normative research on greenwashing has largely focused on the environmental and economic consequences of false or misleading green claims. This article introduces a new perspective that sheds light on its democratic costs. First, I argue that by interfering with the transmission of a public political culture through deceptive claims, greenwashing constitutes a particularly problematic form of corporate capture of democratic rhetoric. I further contend that greenwashing should also be examined against ordinary patterns of language use, given their capacity to shape the range of communicative possibilities available. At the normative level, I then defend a duty to counter-frame: a duty of ordinary citizens to play their part in avoiding reinforcing the communicative conditions that facilitate corporate capture of public rhetoric. This duty aims to initiate processes of reciprocal reason-giving about responsible language use within everyday conversations."

052

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 16/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How does internal migration affect political life in autocracies? Yuequan Guo & Jiannan Zhao examine how returning migrants in China show higher political efficacy & shifted forms of participation. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/6pRihmv @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
How is internal migration related to political efficacy and participation in autocracies? Existing research emphasizes migration’s socioeconomic impact, given the staggering internal migration volume in developing countries, but pays inadequate attention to its relationship with politics. We argue that migrants are more likely to interact with the government and possess greater political efficacy than non-migrants. When migrants return home, they are motivated by higher political efficacy to participate more in politics than non-migrants. We test the theory using four nationally representative surveys in China from 2006 to 2014 and find that returning migrants are more confident in understanding and influencing politics. However, they vote less in elections and avoid challenging the government collectively. Exploratory analysis shows that the counterintuitive results arise because returning migrants shift from traditional political participation, like voting, to new means, like lodging complaints online. The relationship between migration and politics is contingent on the authoritarian context.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 15/09/2026

Should EU migrants receive equal welfare treatment? Pietro Intropi examines reciprocity in EU law, arguing rights and contributive duties vary by migrants’ contributions and the justice of the host state. Read more: buff.ly/O7Foc1b @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

"Abstract
Should all European Union (EU) citizens enjoy the same welfare benefits as nationals when they migrate within Europe? Which categories of EU migrants (workers, job-seekers and non-economically active ones) should be entitled to full equal treatment? I discuss reciprocity as a moral basis of EU law, extending White’s account of fair reciprocity to the supranational context of the EU. I suggest that the concept of workers in EU law should be reformed to account for a plurality of valuable contributions. I also discuss the implications of reciprocity in non-ideal conditions, arguing that EU migrants have a reduced contributive obligation when they face injustice in the host member state. The seriousness of such injustice may even imply lifting the contributive obligation entirely. The contributive obligation of non-economically active individuals is a duty to seek work, and I suggest it entitles them to limited equal treatment."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 15/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Does polarization increase violence toward political candidates? Morten Harmening & @donyhu.bsky.social examine how ideological divides fuel aggression in democratic elections. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/hoXcA8B @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #germany

Abstract
Political violence is on the rise in Western democracies. The increase in violence against political actors is alarming because it clashes with fundamental democratic values. Political violence is also concerning because it does not affect all politicians equally. Existing research has primarily focused on the demographic characteristics of targeted politicians, while largely overlooking ideological factors. Using candidate survey data from the 2021 German federal election, we show that the polarization of electoral districts, as well as party and candidate extremeness increase the likelihood that politicians report being victimized. This is the case both for physical attacks and property damage.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 14/09/2026

Why do senators respond differently to China trade shocks? @weitianliu.bsky.social finds Democrats became critical as import exposure rose, while Republicans responded less. Read more: buff.ly/khjZ0Tu @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

"Abstract
Trade among major powers is never purely economic; it is also a site of political conflict over blame, threat, and national interest. Why, then, do legislators facing similar trade shocks respond in such different ways? Focusing on US Senate rhetoric on trade with China between 2009 and 2023, this paper examines how partisanship conditions the translation of economic disruption into elite political speech. Drawing on sentiment analysis of Senate floor speeches and state-level measures of Chinese import exposure across two periods, it develops a partisan-conditioning argument: trade disruption acquires political meaning as parties interpret it. Democratic senators grew markedly more critical as local import exposure increased, especially under the earlier China Shock window. Republicans showed a much flatter response to early-period exposure and even a slightly positive association with later-period penetration. The China Shock left a durable mark on Senate discourse, but one structured by party, not geography alone."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 14/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Should political parties pick their parliamentary candidates by lottery among members? William Bosworth, Keith Dowding & Adriano Giuliani examine sortition within parties as a guard against elite capture while preserving deliberation. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/YcMEp7o #polsky #polsci

Abstract
We argue political parties should select their parliamentary candidates by way of a lottery among their members. Alternatives such as party primaries, caucus votes, and elite selection create entry points for elite manipulation of the electoral process. While sortition for selecting parliaments directly has been said to control for elite capture, it is also likely to dissolve political parties and established voting blocs within parliament. This would undermine the democratic ideal of political parties, including their role in producing and implementing comprehensible legislative agendas. Sortition within parties, however, will not have that effect. Rather it promotes the democratic ideal by guarding against elite capture and stimulating internal deliberation in a feasible way. Voting will still weed out poor candidates in the general election. Party members should also be able to vote to retain successful lottery winners for subsequent elections to incentivize good performance and party discipline in parliament. We discuss the limited use of insaculación by the Mexican political party Morena as provisional evidence for the feasibility of our proposal.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 13/09/2026

Why do governments prevent crime in some places but neglect others? @juangelvezf.bsky.social examines Colombia, finding incumbents direct crime prevention funds to electorally competitive municipalities, boosting subsequent votes for the incumbent coalition. Read more: buff.ly/6ruEjgq #polsci

"Abstract
Why do governments prevent crime in some places while neglecting others? Crime prevention policies are often viewed as too slow, diffuse, and politically intangible to generate electoral rewards. When implemented, existing research suggests they primarily serve to reward co-partisans or mobilize ideologically aligned voters. This article challenges that view by arguing that incumbents allocate crime prevention resources to electorally competitive municipalities because these investments yield electoral returns. Using detailed project-level data from Colombia, I show that national incumbents disproportionately direct crime prevention funds to municipalities where recent presidential elections were closely contested, rather than to areas with higher crime rates or strong partisan loyalties. I then show that these allocations increase the vote share of the right-wing incumbent coalition in subsequent elections. Drawing on quantitative analyses and interviews with policymakers and bureaucrats, I argue that these effects operate primarily through the visibility and attribution of crime prevention projects, particularly those aligned with right-wing issue ownership of public security."

011

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 13/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: In what senses might body counts be, paradoxically, both humanizing and dehumanizing? @moyalloyd.bsky.social explores the role that orders of grievability play in determining whose lives are counted & how. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/xwx8g2w @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
This paper is concerned with a conundrum: the contention that the dead are dehumanized both through body counts and their absence. To understand this paradox we need to excavate who normatively speaking has a life that counts. I advance the idea of countability as a novel explanatory concept to name the general conditions of possibility, including the ordering of grievability, that underpins acts of counting. Among other things, orders of grievability regulate who enjoys ontological status as fully human. To be eligible for counting an embodied being must first be countable. Furthermore, body counts are performative. They have onto-political effects, organizing and facilitating, reflecting and reiterating, the differential valuation of human lives as well as the distribution of ontological possibilities. The failure or refusal to count has parallel onto-political effects. (De)humanization, however, is not just an issue of whether deaths are counted but, as shown here, how they are counted.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 12/09/2026

Does family background shape adolescents’ political trust more than schools? @gdagostino.bsky.social examines institutional performance, finding its link to trust is stronger among adolescents with higher parental socio-economic status. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/qy7FwRb @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

"Abstract
Democratic accountability requires citizens’ political trust to reflect institutional performance, making it crucial to understand what fosters such responsiveness. While existing studies suggest that education shapes evaluative attitudes, direct evidence remains limited because many analyses struggle to separate educational effects from those of parental background. This paper offers a comprehensive test of these explanations by examining adolescents within the same target grade and by assessing school-level civic education characteristics often credited with cultivating critical citizenship norms. It then compares school-level patterns with parental background to evaluate the proxy-versus-cause debate. Using data from three waves of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, the analysis shows that structurally low and declining institutional performance depresses political trust among adolescents. However, consistent with the education-as-proxy argument, the positive association between performance and trust is significantly stronger among adolescents with higher parental socio-economic status, while school-level civic education shows no meaningful moderating effect."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 12/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Is it rational to expect to win elections? @mbarnfield.bsky.social argues so-called "wishful thinking" about election outcomes is part of how voters make rational sense of their role in democracies. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/FGqoGEO @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
It is well established in political science that those who favour an election outcome tend to say it has a higher chance of success than those who oppose it. This tendency towards so-called ‘wishful thinking’ is often treated as a problem for democracy because it shows that voters are, as the term suggests, irrational. In this article, I make the case that partisan electoral expectations are significant not because they demonstrate widespread irrationality, but because they show how voters make sense of their role in democracies. I provide an alternative account of partisan electoral expectations as following a principle of electoral hope. On this account, partisan electoral expectations are rational in a practical, if not necessarily theoretical, sense.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 11/09/2026

Does the level of government shape political trust and compliance? Susan Banducci, @l-horvath.bsky.social & Daniel Stevens argue local trust influences prosocial behaviour, unlike national trust. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/RgZMQ5R @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #PoliticalTrust

"Abstract
According to Tang and Huhe, individuals “are nested in a multiplicity of governments,” including national and local governments, “and . . . constantly find themselves in variant relationships with government at different levels”. Yet, previous research has mostly concentrated on individuals’ assessments of national governments, or supranational organizations such as the European Union, overlooking assessments of local governments and their effects. To address this, we fielded a four-wave survey in England in 2020–2021 capturing local and national government trust, as well as contemporaneous indicators of performance across these levels of government. Disaggregating between- and within-individual explanations for variation, we find distinct influences on trust in national and local government, and that trust in local government exerts an influence on pro-social behaviour whereas national government trust does not. Importantly, for future research on political trust, our findings show that the level of government matters for both the drivers and consequences of political trust."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 11/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How do people adapt to sanctions in authoritarian contexts? Yechan Moon & Taehee Whang show informal economies in North Korea expand where sanctions hit hardest. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/vblP2x5 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
How do people in authoritarian regimes adapt to external economic pressure? We examine how economic sanctions affect informal economic activity in North Korea. Using county-level data from 167 regions for the years 2016, 2018, and 2022, we find that informal economic activity significantly expanded in areas most affected by sanctions, particularly those reliant on heavy industry such as primary metals, machinery, and transportation. These bottom-up adaptations illustrate how citizens, rather than the state, absorb the shocks of international pressure. By tracing micro-level adjustments over time, our study sheds light on the uneven and indirect effects of sanctions in targeted countries. The findings highlight the need for more strategic, sector-sensitive sanction design and contribute to broader debates on the effectiveness of economic sanctions, authoritarian resilience, and economic coping mechanisms under constraint.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 10/09/2026

Who supports martial law in a democracy? Brandon Beomseob Park & Inkwan Chung examine South Korea, finding affective polarization drives support for executive overreach. Read more: buff.ly/63rPmga @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #AffectivePolarization #ResearchNote

Abstract
On 3 December 2024, South Korea experienced an unprecedented political crisis when the president declared martial law. While the declaration was rapidly reversed and condemned by key democratic institutions, public opinion did not converge on rejection. Instead, support for—and tolerance of—the measure persisted among a nontrivial share of citizens. Why, in a democracy with functioning institutions, are some citizens willing to accept extraordinary executive measures? Using original nationwide survey data, this research shows that public support for martial law is strongly associated with affective polarization. Individuals who express strong partisan and leader-based affective alignment with the incumbent are significantly more likely to accept martial law, while those polarized in the opposite direction overwhelmingly reject it. The findings suggest that affective polarization can align evaluations of executive overreach with partisan loyalties, weakening normative constraints even in consolidated democracies where institutional safeguards continue to function effectively.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 10/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How do democracies respond to extremist attacks? Selen A Ercan, Jordan McSwiney, Emily Beausoleil, Claire Fitzpatrick & @andreafelicetti.bsky.social explore 2 resilience approaches- ‘bouncing back’ & deepening democracy. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/80NKL30 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

Abstract
Violent extremist attacks pose a serious threat to democracy, undermining its institutions, norms and practices. This article examines the disruptive impact of violent extremism on the public sphere and considers the role of political leaders in responding to these challenges. Leaders are widely recognised as the key actors shaping the public discourse after extremist attacks, by either reinforcing or resisting the division intended by these attacks. Yet, their role in building democratic resilience – that is, fostering the public sphere’s ability to respond to extremist attacks without compromising its democratic commitments – remains underexplored. Drawing on a range of case studies, the article examines the spectrum of leaders’ responses to violent extremist attacks and their effects on democratic resilience. It identifes two distinct approaches to democratic resilience: ‘bouncing back’ by maintaining the status quo, or ‘bouncing forward’ by deepening democratic commitments. The article considers the implications of each approach and underscores the necessity of the latter in strengthening the public sphere and its deliberative capacity in the aftermath of extremist attacks.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 09/09/2026

Who decides the constitutional future of Scotland & the UK? @meineanna.bsky.social proposes a democratic reading of constituent power, tracks changes in constituent collectives & maps monist vs. pluralist trajectories for the Union. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/mHhLCgA @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

"Abstract
Over the last few decades, interconnected debates about Scottish independence and Brexit have shaped politics in the United Kingdom and raised questions of constituent power that remain controversial both politically and theoretically. Against this backdrop, this article proposes a nuanced democratic conception of constituent power that serves as an alternative to orthodox sovereigntist accounts. This conception is theoretically more compelling and, moreover, enables fruitful engagement with contemporary constitutional controversies. By establishing a dialogue between theoretical discussion and the Scottish and UK case, the article, first, explores constituent power as one dimension of popular sovereignty and its interplay with constituted powers over time. Second, it examines how constituent collectives can and, in recent history, have become subject to contestation and change. Third, it sketches monist and pluralist conceptions of constituent power and peoples that co-exist, yet conflict within the United Kingdom, thereby mapping distinct trajectories for possible constitutional futures in a union setting."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 09/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How does media framing shape perceptions of election winners? Thomas M. Meyer & Katjana Gattermann argue equivalency framing influences voter views, especially for ambivalent voters. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/Z1yU6IB @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsci #polsky

Abstract
This article examines how media framing of election results affects voter perceptions of election winners and losers. We conceive of media framing as equivalency framing because the very same election result can be framed positively or negatively. We expect direct effects on voter perceptions and additionally argue that ambivalent voters should be most affected by such framing in their evaluation of election results. We test these arguments with two pre-registered studies, namely, a survey experiment that employs fictional stimulus material and a two-wave panel survey linked to a news content analysis against the backdrop of the 2021 German Federal Election. The findings reveal framing effects on voter perceptions in fictional settings and conditional effects driven by partisan reasoning in real-world contexts. These findings provide an important mechanism for future research interested in the consequences of election outcomes for government legitimacy or political system support.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 08/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: What drives party support for deliberative democracy in Europe? Sergiu Gherghina & Bettina Mitru find support is shaped by left ideology, governing status, party novelty & manifesto length - not electoral strength or populism. OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/mv7mhLX @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

Abstract
The contemporary surge in public demand and use of deliberative democracy coincides with an increasing number of parties using deliberation. Despite this growing appetite, we still do not know why political parties support deliberative democracy. This research note addresses this gap in the literature and aims to explain what drives parties’ support for deliberation. We analyze the manifestos belonging to 225 European parties that gained at least 1% of the votes in the national elections between 2019 and 2024. The results confirm the importance of left-wing ideology but bring novel insights according to which the presence in government, party newness and manifesto length increase support for deliberative democracy. Surprisingly, electoral support and populism have no effects.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 07/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How does China’s socialist past shape today’s ideas of justice? Xiaojun Yan & La Li find a link between people’s current political orientation and their formative-age lifeworld. Read more: buff.ly/EdanPNL @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ChinesePolitics

Abstract
In this article, we investigate what factors contribute to the divergence of people’s ideological inclinations in a post-socialist society. To this end, we analyze large-scale survey data from China to examine the relationship between the socialist past and individual ideological inclinations. The findings reveal a strong and direct association between people’s current political orientation and their formative-age lifeworld. Specifically, individuals who grew up in families within the Socialist Establishment exhibit significantly greater equality-oriented inclinations than their peers from families outside the Socialist Establishment, even long after the centrally planned economy was replaced by a market economy. In addition, we identify a gender-specific pattern that highlights the potential role of family socialization in transmitting the socialist legacy. We also find that individuals with families tied to the Socialist Establishment during their youth are more actively involved and supportive of the current Party-state. Overall, our findings suggest that centrally planned socialism may leave a lasting imprint on people’s ideological preferences in the post-socialist era.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 06/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: What shapes party membership in Hungary’s democratic backslide? Annamária Sebestyén traces how socialization trajectories in youth lead to party affiliation amid autocratization. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/pJZt0xk @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsky #polsci

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 06/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Can mainstreaming of the far right help normalise undemocratic practices? @mlorimer.bsky.social & Cavallaro explore the case of Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy, showing how the party still displays elements of continuity with its neofascist predecessor. OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/vzjuT1y

Abstract
The mainstreaming of the far right is a defining feature of European politics, raising concerns that incorporating far right parties into democratic politics could lead to the normalisation of undemocratic ideas. This paper explores this contention in the case of Brothers of Italy, a radical right party with extreme right roots. Conceptualising mainstreaming as the result of moderation or normalisation, it assesses whether Brothers of Italy can facilitate the normalisation of undemocratic ideas. The analysis evaluates ideological, organisational and symbolic continuity and change between Brothers of Italy and its predecessors: the extreme right Italian Social Movement and the conservative National Alliance. Drawing on the quantitative and qualitative analysis of party programmes, the study finds limited ideological continuity, suggesting restricted potential for normalising extremism. However, continuity in party personnel and narratives highlights ongoing organisational and symbolic links, indicating that Brothers of Italy may still indirectly contribute to the normalisation of extremism.

0147

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 04/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How can resilience of democratic procedures, processes & principles be improved? Aurel Croissant & @larslott.bsky.social present a novel conceptualization & measurements of democratic resilience: buff.ly/3eDxbyH (OPEN ACCESS) @vdeminstitute.bsky.social @fau #polsci #polisky

Abstract
Why are some democracies more resilient than others? How can their resilience be improved? Answering these questions requires valid conceptualization and reliable measures of democratic resilience. This study presents a novel conceptualization and measurements of democratic resilience. It differentiates between democratic resilience as regime performance and regime capacity and introduces the Democratic Resilience Capacity Index. The index is the first and only measure available to empirically compare the ability of democracies to become or to remain resilient. We demonstrate the usefulness of our approach for empirical research through an exploratory study of 103 democracies since 2000. We find that resilience capacity strengthens the ability of a democracy to prevent a substantial loss of its democratic qualities and regime breakdown, but not its ability to recover from autocratization. This suggests that different forms of democratic resilience, though temporally connected, depend on different forms or combinations of resilience capacities.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 03/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Can apocalyptic thinking serve democracy? Joe PL Davidson argues for “apocalyptic democracy” as a response to institutional collapse & crisis. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/QHNWgmo @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsky #polsci

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 02/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Using #ESS data & multigroup path analysis, @johannahornung.bsky.social examines how trust mediates the effects of ideology, partisanship & cultural worldviews on vaccine uptake in Italy & Switzerland. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/UNjVdCC #COVID19 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polisky

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 31/07/2026

☀️ We will be on summer hiatus from 1st to 31st August 2026. During this time, there won't be any social media posts and the editors won't be processing new submissions, but the platform will still be open: buff.ly/f5NUOnT See you in September!

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 31/07/2026

Our August issue is now out! 📘 Read the latest research findings in all areas of #politics and #IR in @polstudies.bsky.social: buff.ly/3Q7MYjF The journal publishes rigorous & original work significant to the whole discipline. @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsci #polsky @uoypolitics.bsky.social

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 23/07/2026

When Chile returned to compulsory voting in 2022, turnout surged. But so did invalid ballots. Gonzalo Contreras & Mauricio Morales Quiroga argue compulsory voting shifts political inequality from participation to vote validity. Read more: buff.ly/gZYDrA9 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #LatinAmerica

Abstract
Compulsory voting (CV) reliably raises turnout, but its effects on invalid ballots and the inequalities these produce are less well understood. Chile’s return to CV in 2022 provides a rare within-country test of how the shift from voluntary to compulsory participation reshapes invalid voting and what this produces in the context of shifting inequalities. We analyse the last local elections held under voluntary voting (VV, 2021) and the first under CV (2024) across all 345 municipalities, exploiting concurrent contests held under distinct electoral rules. Our central finding is that CV shifts inequality from participation to vote validity, with rates of invalid voting varying across majoritarian and proportional elections. Specifically: (1) invalid voting increased substantially under CV, though valid votes for parties and candidates also rose; (2) the entry of new voters is associated with a shift from abstention under VV to invalid ballots under CV; (3) ballot size is more strongly associated with invalid voting under CV in proportional than in relative-majority systems; (4) poverty is unrelated to invalid voting under VV but becomes significant under CV, especially in the capital; and (5) rurality is negatively associated with invalid voting under CV but not under VV. These results contribute to debates on whether CV corrects or displaces class bias in participation, on the structural determinants of invalid voting, and on how electoral system type conditions invalid ballot rates under compulsory participation.

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