iiinova — where your digital self keeps evolving

(18) align with have not, and never will win a power struggle. We are not self-centered in the same ways as those willing to use fear and control to push their agenda through. We have other gifts, so many other gifts. We get lost when we try to play the same game, or our version of the same game.

130

(17) there are other practices here, things that are about how we envision a world for our descendants, and about how we truly learned to live with people who we viscerally disagree with. I have no idea what the answer to any of this is, but I do know that the movements and frameworks I most

(16) and not always for white people as well as for people of color in support of Trump. Challenging the coup is not just about asserting the moral high ground of collective care and safety because that has already not worked for everyone. Too many people are pissed off.

(15) opening space for them to take care of their own families with the economic sustainability needed to ensure a future because those networks of collective care established in the 1920s were not working for them. And yes, for some this is laced through with white supremacy, but not always.

(14) nationalism that is rooted in the development of capitalism, generations old. I also know that this is NOT what this looks like for many of the people I met who voted for Trump while I was walking across the country over this past year. Many people I spoke with saw these changes as potentially

000

(13) country. It is why Bishop Budde’s words were so important, she is the other half of WASPdom, an evangelical Bishop, who is grounded in collective care that comes from a moral ground. It is why he and his acolytes could not tolerate her. So this coup weaves together a form of Christian

000

(12) anything that gets in the way of the patriarchal head of household from doing exactly what he wants to do to build his particular lordship. Most American presidents up until the 1920s and then picked up again by Reagan and Trump cite Anglo-Saxon inheritance has one of the cornerstones of this

(11) authority than what honoring a pope allows. This is an old western European Christian fight over who has what kind of power and who does not. But it has morphed now to being about capitalism, a framework that emerged alongside the church. This all depends on repealing anything that challenges

000

(10) you can see this when Hegseth and other Trump and Catholics struggle when the pope and Bishops assert a pro worker and pro-immigrant stance. The struggle is not so much about Catholicism, but it is one way of interpreting the Protestant reformation: the right for an individual to have more

000

(9) many things have unraveled, including any kind of a rural infrastructure. This moment of administrative coup is working to bring back the militarized wealth worshipping of this country’s origins - and the WASP part of this is important

(8) this put those who were focused on justice in the position of trying to save something that never really worked to begin with, but the alternative, a lack of any resources devoted towards an interdependent collective, seemed much worse. This means that over the last 40 or so years,

(7) in the year since then, many Americans have fought to expand who has access to a collective safety and care system and to transform that system so that it is truly just. Reagan’s administration began the dismantling of this collective care net.

(6) shore up WASP (white Anglo-Saxon Protestant) superiority. So a contradiction emerged, the creating of collective care strategies along side, the doubling down of who a “real” American is. In other words, who deserves care and who deserves to be a part of the safety net.

(5) the deepening of the anti-black strategy of Jim Crow, the deepening of indigenous disappearance strategies, including boarding schools, and the assertion of immigrant acts that excluded the immigration of Chinese and other API people and put quotas on Jewish & Catholic immigrants in order to

(4) socialist revolutions, which is why, generations later, the resistance to this expansion of economic and military power is still called Marxist, even when the action has nothing to do with a Marxist framework. These cultural shifts in the 1920s deeply imperfect because they happened alongside

(3) the shift in the 1910s and 20s - an imperfect global shift - evolved the idea of a state as having the power and responsibility to build a safety net for its citizens in order to ensure some measure of collective care. This happened all over the industrial world and resulted in a range of

(2) of economic expansion on behalf of the monarchy. The “revolution” replaced the monarchy with the State and supported citizens to expand State power by homesteading and building economic infrastructure. Up until the 1910s/20s, the State was focused on military defense and economic extraction