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Ceuta crisis: EU alarmism backfired
The alarmist tone of the letter from the 22 heads of government risks further emboldening far-right parties across Europe and beyond, Günter Seufert writes.
Günter Seufert is the former Founding Director of the Centre for Applied Turkish Studies at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs. He wrote this op-ed in personal capacity.
Only four EU member states – France, Ireland, Luxembourg and Portugal – did not assign the primary responsibility to Spain for the mass crossing of up to 60,000 Moroccans into the Spanish exclave of Ceuta on Sunday, 31 July. The remaining 22 – led by Italy’s Giorgia Meloni and Germany’s Friedrich Merz – signed a sharply worded letter to European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. They argued that Spain had created a “pull factor” by “the regularisation of a very large number of irregular migrants,” thereby effectively precipitating the collapse of its own borders in Africa.
In their criticism of Spain’s migration policy, European leaders found themselves closely aligned with U.S. President Donald Trump. Writing on Truth Social, Trump warned that scenes like those in Ceuta could also unfold in the United States if Democrats were to return to power. The alarmist tone of the letter from the 22 heads of government risks further emboldening far-right parties across Europe and beyond.
From the outset, there were strong indications that the events in Ceuta had been carefully orchestrated. Moroccan border guards appear not only to have turned a blind eye but, in many instances, to have actively facilitated migrants’ passage. Images circulating online show overcrowded buses and trucks heading toward the border. Social media played a central role: newly created accounts, rapidly amassing large followings, disseminated messages promising free entry not only into Ceuta but also onward to mainland Spain and Europe.
The episode bears striking resemblance to the migrant surge at the Greek border in February 2020, when Turkey encouraged thousands – primarily from Afghanistan and Iran – to move toward EU territory. At the time, Athens was not held responsible. Nor was Poland blamed in 2021 when migrants from Iraq attempted to cross its border from Belarus in significant numbers.
There is a strong likelihood that migrants in Ceuta were similarly instrumentalized for political ends. Morocco has a history of mobilizing large civilian movements. On 6 November 1975, approximately 350,000 unarmed Moroccans marched into Western Sahara, then under Spanish administration; Madrid withdrew a year later. In May 2021, around 8,000 people crossed into Ceuta from Morocco within just two days. That incident followed Spain’s decision to admit the leader of the Polisario Front, which – backed by Algeria – seeks independence for Western Sahara.
More recently, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez visited Algiers on 20 July, underscoring Algeria’s importance as a key gas supplier. Yet beyond immediate political developments, Rabat consistently regards Spain’s North African enclaves as integral parts of Morocco.
The crisis also has a broader international dimension. Morocco remains one of the United States’ oldest regional allies, and King Mohammed VI maintains close ties with Donald Trump. During Trump’s first term, Morocco became – after the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Sudan – the fourth country in the Middle East and North Africa to sign the Abraham Accords, normalizing relations with Israel. Today, Morocco and Israel cooperate closely in security and defense, including arms procurement, joint exercises, and intelligence sharing.
By contrast, Sánchez has drawn criticism from both Trump and the Israeli government. He has condemned Israel’s conduct in Gaza, recognized Palestine as a state, and denied the United States access to Spanish airspace for strikes against Iran. Against this backdrop, it is notable that Mario Díaz-Balart, a senior Republican figure in the U.S. Congress, has recently referred to Ceuta and Melilla as part of Morocco – an unprecedented statement from a politician of his standing.
By contrast, Sánchez has drawn criticism from both Trump and the Israeli government. He has condemned Israel’s conduct in Gaza, recognized Palestine as a state, and denied the United States access to Spanish airspace for strikes against Iran. On 16 March, the pro-Israeli news website Middle East Forum called on Moroccans to bulldozer the border and enter Ceuta. And most recently, Mario Díaz-Balart, a senior Republican figure in the U.S. Congress, referred to Ceuta and Melilla as part of Morocco—an unprecedented statement from a politician of his standing.
In the case Rabat enhances pressure on Madrid, it will obviously enjoy Israel and U.S .support.
Caption: Red Cross personnel prepare food donations for migrants in Ceuta, Spain, 03 August 2026. About 2,500 migrants who crossed from Morocco remained in Ceuta, according to Spain’s Government Delegation, with many sleeping rough and relying on humanitarian and community assistance for food as reception facilities remained overwhelmed. EPA/REDUAN
