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Global Maritime History

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GMH is a forum for discussions of maritime history, broadly conceived. Get in touch if you'd like to post an article, blog, CFP or podcast. Social media run by @canadianerrant No ChatGPT or AI art permitted for content on our website.

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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 01/10/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
- Global Maritime History
Naval Dockyards Society 31st Annual (hybrid) Conference Supplying and maintaining the Indo-Pacific Fleets in the Second World War National Maritime Museum Greenwich Saturday 20 March 2027 Call for Papers The NDS identifies July 1937 as the beginning of the Asia-Pacific War, December 1941 extending the Sino-Japanese war into a wider Indo-Pacific Ocean war involving Britain, the United States, Australia, the Netherlands and Norway, and critically embedding Royal Navy dockyards and logistical infrastructure. This interpretation challenges the narrative of the Pacific War as a solely American operation and emphasises British and Australian logistical transformation of base infrastructure around Sydney.This conference highlights the indispensable contribution of merchant navies and their sailors and the global shore-based infrastructure to the Allied victory. All proposals relevant to the Conference theme will be considered, particularly including the following.Conference proposals could address: Evaluating the status of Singapore, Hong Kong, Trincomalee, Bombay, Colombo and other Indo-Pacific bases in 1937–41 How the Sino-Japanese war 1937–41 affected British naval planning and logistics How the Royal Navy’s China Station was destabilised, 1937-42 How Singapore Dockyard prepared for the possibility of Japanese war Appraising the scale and challenges of supplying ammunition, fuel, repair facilities and personnel to the Indo-Pacific Fleets in the Second World War Evaluating the effect of the collapse of Hong Kong and Singapore on the Indian Ocean infrastructure Assessing the effectiveness of Colombo, Trincomalee, Bombay and Simon’s Town in sustaining the Eastern Fleet following the collapse of Hong Kong and Singapore Assessing Dutch naval involvement, surface and submarine, at Colombo, Fremantle and Sydney Evaluating the role of international merchant navies and their sailors, such as those of the Netherlands and Norway How the Royal Navy was transformed from a fleet supported by imperial bases in Singapore, Hong Kong and Ceylon into a fleet operating against Japan sustained from Australia Appraising the WW2 transformation of Sydney Harbour’s infrastructure and the role of Mobile Naval Air Bases (MONABs) Dockyard Chronology1937–39 China Station/Hong Kong/SingaporeJapan’s war against China creates an increasingly dangerous East Asian environment.1940–41 Singapore becomes the great British strategic focusThe dockyard and naval base expand in anticipation of war with Japan.7 December 1941 Japan attacks Pearl Harbour naval station and shipyard, followed by attacks on British, Dutch and Australian territoriesTransforms the Sino-Japanese War into a multinational war involving the United States and the British Empire. December 1941–February 1942 Singapore fallsBritain loses its great forward base.April–May 1942 Ceylon is threatenedEastern Fleet withdraws west.1942 Kilindini becomes the emergency western baseMombasa, in Kilindini Harbour in Kenya, supports the Eastern Fleet, East African communications, and Madagascar operations.1943–44 Trincomalee is rebuilt/reopened as the principal Eastern Fleet baseThe fleet gradually moves east again. Australian destroyers, for example, operate with the Eastern Fleet from Trincomalee in 1944.Late 1944 British Pacific Fleet is createdAdmiral Sir Bruce Fraser becomes Commander-in-Chief. Churchill informs Australian Prime Minister John Curtin in November 1944 that the fleet would be sent to the Pacific and maintained in Australia.1945 Sydney/Australia becomes the logistical base for Britain’s war against JapanThe Royal Navy is now operating from Australia 4,000+ miles from Japan and roughly 16,000 miles from Britain’s supply sources, making the Fleet Train (Task Force 112) and Australian infrastructure critical.If your proposal is accepted,you will present in-person or online. We shall refund UK/European travel fares to the conference (or travel from a UK airport to Greenwich), your fee, lunch, and contribute to accommodation, publish your paper in NDS Transactions (https://navaldockyards.org/transactions/) and give you a copy. Your talk will be c.35 minutes, the printed paper 6–10k words, due 31 June 2027.Send your title, a 300-word synopsis and a 100-word biography by 16 October 2026 or earlier to Roger Bendall roger@rogerbendall.com and Dr Ann Coats avcoatsndschair@gmail.comN.B. The proposal should present original research.https://navaldockyards.org/conferences/https://navaldockyards.org/ Facebook: NavalDockyardsSociety
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 28/09/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
The grim horrors of the orlop deck - Global Maritime History
The often awe-inspiring works of art immortalizing historic naval battles usually belie the harsh reality of war. Amidst clouds of billowing, black smoke and the deafening roar of cannon fire, sailors faced the real danger of life-threatening injuries. Injured sailors were carried, dragged, or stretchered to the surgeon’s “cockpit,” a dimly lit, low-ceilinged, and overcrowded space usually home to the midshipmen, and located toward the stern on the orlop (lowest) deck. They were then placed on makeshift operating tables composed of the midshipmen’s assembled sea chests, which were often simply covered with an old sail or other cloth. Conditions were nightmarish, with treatment frequently interrupted by desperate cries for relief: The first object I met was a man bearing a limb, which had just been detached from some suffering wretch … The surgeon and his mate were smeared with blood from head to foote: they looked more like butchers than doctors … Although most shipboard infirmaries were located in relative safety below the waterline, the surgeon’s job was not without danger: [The patient] was laid on the table and the operation performed in the usual way …, lucky it was that he bare [sic] it so well, as a shot at this time came into the cockpit and passed the operating table close, this startled all the women who formed the chief of my assistance. Although this particular incident at the Battle of Camperdown (October 11, 1797) did not cause any additional distress, patients were not always spared from further injury, or even death: As I was dressing a wounded man, a cannon ball struck a young gentleman on the head dashing his brains upon all sides; part of them blinded me. At this moment a splinter struck my head and rendered me insensible for [a] quarter of an hour. Upon my recovery, I could hardly persuade myself but what I was mortally wounded, from being completely besmeared with blood and brains. Whereas national navies routinely mustered qualified doctors, medical care on merchant vessels often relied on surgeons rather than physicians. Physicians were usually well-educated but lacked practical experience; (barber-)surgeons were proficient in treating common shipboard injuries. During naval battles, “amputation was the most common operation, along with sewing up abdominal wounds.” If no surgeon was available, amputations were usually performed by the ship’s carpenter—or even by the cook. Surgeons were assisted by a surgeon’s mate, a “loblolly boy,” and occasionally by additional assistants. Loblolly boys collected amputated limbs, poured sand onto blood-soaked, slippery surfaces, and prepared buckets of cauterizing tar. Their nickname referred to the thick meat and vegetable porridge (“spoon meat”) they fed the sailors in their care; their modern counterparts are the U.S. Navy’s hospital corpsmen or the Royal Navy’s medical assistants. When required, they would also immobilize patients by any means necessary so that the surgeon could do his job. In Of Wounds, Severall Chirurgicall Treatises (1676), Richard Wiseman (1622?–1676) explains: At Sea they sit or lie, I never took much notice which; nor do I remember I had ever any body to hold them; but with the help of my [Surgeon’s] Mates, and some one or two that belonged to the Hold, I went on with my work. Despite Wiseman’s dispassionate reference to the need for his assistants to restrain his patients during amputations, having access to such support was by no means a luxury. General anesthesia was not routinely administered until the mid-nineteenth century, and amputees were often in considerable pain: We held [the patient] while the surgeon cut off his leg above the knee. The task was most painful to behold, the surgeon using his knife and saw on human flesh and bones as freely as the butcher at the shambles. A popular myth contends that patients requiring amputation were given copious amounts of “cordial” (rum) to numb the pain; however, they often only received a mouth guard, a simple stick to bite down on when their pain became unbearable. There is some evidence that “a drachm of Cordial [was] given to the man to keep up his Spirits.” And although “[t]he Operator is to encourage the Patient, and having given him half a Glass of Wine, to enable him the better to endure his Pain,” a patient’s spirit intake was usually limited to a single shot: When you resolve to set upon this Operation [amputation], having all things necessary in a readiness upon a Table near you; first give the Patient a good Cordial, and encourage him by proper words, to suffer with patience what will conduce to his future well-being. In fact, to ease a patient’s pain post-operation, liberal consumption of alcohol was not recommended: [The operation] done, let him have another Cordial drachm, but have a care of too much, lest it inflame him, and make his blood more fluid: And have an Eye lest his Messmates come with their bottle, and prejudice him with their kindness, as I have sometimes seen. Without anesthetic, amputees were often given opiates such as laudanum—opium blended into rum—which made them groggy and dulled the pain somewhat. But perhaps the most effective means of pain management was the natural adrenaline rush caused by the battle raging upstairs. This suggested that amputations should be performed “whilst the Blood is hot, and there is Strength; then [sic: rather than] afterward when the Fever or other ill symptoms are come on.” British Navy surgeon John Atkins (1685–1757) agreed: Heat and Surprize in Action makes it the properest Time for amputating, Men meeting their Misfortunes with greater Strength and Resolution than when they had spent a Night under Thought and Reflection. Despite their training, many Royal Navy surgeons’ skills were not much more advanced than those of the common butcher. Their tools were also similar. As a case in point, the personal surgery kit of Alexander Jack, Royal Navy surgeon on HMS Shannon during the War of 1812, contained an amputating and a metacarpal saw (used to cut small bones), three amputating knives, two pairs of sliding artery forceps (for tying […]
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 17/09/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
CFP: SAILING THROUGH WORDS - Global Maritime History
Workshop: Sailing through Words. Maritime Technical Terminology from Antiquity to the Middle Ages TRANSMARE Institute, Trier University Overview Date: 10–11 December 2026 Location: Trier University, Universitätsring 15, 54296 Trier, Germany Abstract submission deadline: 10 October 2026 Notification of outcome: 20 October 2026 Organisers: Eleonora Selvi (Trier), Afnen Habibi (Trier) Scientific committee: Prof. Patrick Reinard, Dr. Eleonora Selvi, Dr. Afnen Habibi Contacts: sailingwords.trier@gmail.com. The workshop examines the formation and usage of naval terminology and technical language connected to maritime activities across time and between different regions of the Ancient and Medieval world. Maritime specialised languages are integral to seafaring practice. Today, Maritime English is regulated by international organisations to prevent accidents and ensure clear, fast communication. In the ancient and medieval world, communities of seafarers faced an analogous need for a technical language, both to communicate at sea and to develop and transmit their maritime knowledge. Maritime languages are thus shaped, in different ways and contexts, by the naval technology available to seafarers, by the institutional and administrative settings in which this technology operates, and by the values and beliefs of the seafaring community of practice itself; in turn, they contribute to stabilise and transmit technical knowledge. Specialised languages, or ‘technolects’, or ‘specialised discourses’ in Gotti’s (2003) terms, have been recognised as integral to technical knowledge since the seminal work of Mauss (1936) and Leroi-Gourhan (1964–65); studies of their specific features have shown that their formation follows particular lexical, morphosyntactic, and discourse patterns (Gotti 2003; Čulić-Viskota & Kalebota 2013). Scholarship on ancient technical lexica has identified three main strategies through which specialised terminologies are created (Schironi 2014): the adaptation of existing terms from the common lexicon; the coining of new terms; and the borrowing of terms from other specialised fields or languages. Syntax and discourse tend to be organised around the avoidance of ambiguity, thus generating patterns that depart from everyday language (Bocanegra-Valle 2011). The supra-local circulation of such languages, especially military and maritime ones, can generate extensive chains of borrowing and adaptation, and can even drive broader linguistic change (Huitink & Rood 2024). Finally, technical languages could function as a marker of social belonging when carried over into different contexts, or contribute, through their acquisition, to transmitting the values and knowledge distinctive of the community of practice that employed them (Lave & Wenger 1991; Eckert 2000). To study these languages in the ancient world is no easy task, as they are often preserved only in documentary texts such as papyri and inscriptions, or at best in manuals that are frequently overlooked and obscure, and their study requires a good understanding of both linguistic phenomena and the relevant technological, societal, and administrative contexts. Our workshop thus seeks to compare the specialised languages of seafaring, shipbuilding, naval administration, warfare, and commerce across periods and regions, from the Aegean Bronze Age to the medieval Baltic and beyond. We aim to ask which processes govern the formation and transmission of these languages, and what role they played for the communities that developed them, offering, in doing so, the first systematic, comparative typology of maritime technical languages, and bringing papyrology, epigraphy, linguistics, philology, and the history of technology into a dialogue that has so far remained fragmented across disciplinary and period-specific boundaries. Themes and Questions We welcome proposals on any region of the ancient and medieval world, spanning from prehistory (including reconstructed languages, e.g., Proto-Indo-European) to the end of the 15th century AD.  Submissions should address one or more of the following areas: (a) Linguistic structures and features. How do naval technical languages form and develop over time? What are their defining lexical, morphosyntactic, and discourse features, and how do they differ from general language? (b) Sources for reconstruction. How can epigraphic and papyrological sources help trace these processes? What is the role of manuals and other normative texts in stabilising and transmitting technical language (and its technical knowledge)? (c) Technical language and naval technology. Which technological and administrative developments trigger linguistic innovation? How do linguistic structures encode technological knowledge, and to what extent can each illuminate the other? (d) Transmission and continuity. How were technical terms transmitted across periods of political, social, and religious transformation? What mechanisms (translation, transliteration, borrowing, etc.) govern this transmission? Does terminological continuity reflect continuity in professional or institutional structures? (e) Expansion and sociolinguistic impact. How do technical languages help form communities of experts? Which elements enter general language, and how? To what extent do shifts in political or cultural power shape the diffusion and transformation of technical lexica? Submission – Please submit an abstract of around 250 words (excluding bibliography) to sailingwords.trier@gmail.com, no later than 10 October 2026. – Please include in a separate page of the same document your name, affiliation, and contact details. – Proposals will be evaluated by the Scientific Committee, and notification of the outcome will be sent no later than 20 October 2026. – Please note that accommodation for participants will be covered by the organisers; travel costs are to be borne by each speaker. References Bocanegra-Valle, A. (2011). The Language of Seafaring: Standardised Conventions and Discursive Features in Speech Communications. International Journal of English Studies 11: 35–53. Čulić-Viskota, A. & Kalebota, S. (2013). Maritime English – What Does It Communicate? Transactions On Maritime Science 2: 109–114. Eckert, P. (2000). Linguistic Variation as Social Practice: The Linguistic Construction of Identity in Belten High. Oxford. Gotti, M. (2003). Specialised Discourse: Linguistic Features and Changing Conventions. Bern.  Huitink, L. & Rood, T. (2024). Xenophon, Professional Military Vocabulary, and the Formation of the Literary Koine, in C. Monaco, R. Machado, & E. Bozia (eds.), Redefining the Standards in Attic, Koine, and Atticism (Euhormos 6), Leiden, pp. 148–170. Lave, J. & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation. Cambridge. Leroi-Gourhan, A. (1964–1965). Le geste et la parole (2 vols.). Paris. Mauss, M. (1936). Les techniques du corps. Journal de Psychologie 32(3–4): 271–293. Schironi, F. (2014). Technical Languages: Science and Medicine, in E. J. Bakker (ed.), A Companion to the Ancient Greek Language, New York, pp. 338–353.
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Society for Renaissance Studies @srsrensoc.bsky.social · 12/05/2026
GET EXCITED! Our biennial conference is happening in THAT LONDON in 2027! It's our 💎 Diamond 💎 Jubilee, so get ready for a party. The #Renaissance Beyond Borders Warburg, 30 June-3 July 2027 Deadline for proposals: 25 September 2026 all info: rensoc.org.uk/cfp/12th-bie... #EarlyModern #SkyStorians
screenshot of The Renaissance Beyond Borders: SRS conference 2027
30 Jun 2027-3 July 2027
deadline 25 September 2026
Location: the warburg institute and school of advanced study, university of london
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 14/09/2026
Thank you to @medievalmcsheff.bsky.social for this fantastic post.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 14/09/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
Abjuration of the Realm: The Logistics of Overseas Banishment in Medieval England - Global Maritime History
Shannon McSheffrey is Distinguished Research Professor of History at Concordia University in Montreal. Her publications over the last three decades have concerned the social, legal, and cultural history of England between the Black Death and the mid-sixteenth century, most recently focused on socio-cultural histories of crime and migration. Her 2017 Oxford University Press book, Seeking Sanctuary: Crime, Mercy, and Politics in English Courts, 1400-1550, considered the legal processes and broader socio-political ramifications of English churches’ offering asylum. She has also developed several major online projects, such as Consistory: Testimony in the Late Medieval London Consistory Court and Sanctuary Seekers, and contributes to blogs and podcasts, including a recent appearance discussing sanctuary on the Gone Medieval podcast.  Towards the end of October 1452 Thomas Kendale, an English labourer, fled to the parish church in Norton, Hertfordshire. There he confessed to having stabbed one Thomas Whitemore in the heart with a dagger, killing him. We might naturally assume that as he was in a church Kendale made his confession to a priest, looking for religious absolution. In fact, however, he made his admission of the crime to a royal official. This was a formal step in a procedure of the English criminal law between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries, available to accused felons. In a form of sanctuary, a criminal could flee to any parish church or churchyard to escape arrest. This was a venerable practice in Christianity from its early centuries, but its later medieval English version had several quirks. Though nothing in Christian theology or canon law set a time limit on such asylum, in England sanctuary in parish churches was limited to forty days. Within those roughly six weeks, the sanctuary seeker either had to leave the church, risking arrest and execution, or to “abjure the realm,” to go into exile. The latter process was part of the king’s justice, not the church’s mercy. The first step in a sanctuary seeker’s abjuration of the realm was to ask for the coroner, who acted for the crown (hence the name) in various legal procedures. When the local coroner appeared, the felon confessed the crime before him. The coroner recorded the details on his coroner’s roll, creating an official legal record that the sanctuary seeker had admitted the felony. Such an admission of guilt was normally a death sentence: hanging was the punishment for felony. If the sanctuary-seeking felon did things right, however, they would never have to face the court, for from long-standing common law practice, he (or much more rarely she) could “abjure the realm”. When the felon had confessed and taken the oath to leave the king’s dominion a standard procedure ensued: the coroners gave the felon a white cross to carry so that all would know them as an abjurer, assigned them a port from which to find a ship to cross the Channel, and sent them on their way. In English legal practice the land border with the kingdom of Scotland was only very rarely held to count as going into exile: it had to be “in partibus transmarinibus,” to parts across the sea. In theory – though not always in practice – the abjurer was accompanied by a relay team of constables to ensure they did not deviate from the road to the port. If caught off the road, they were subject to summary execution, as their guilt had already been legally acknowledged before the coroner. Yet it was not always easy to find a ship to take overseas, as Kendale was to find. Once Kendale had confessed the murder to the Hertfordshire coroner in the parish church at Norton, the coroner assigned him the port of Portsmouth. That was a long walk from Norton, about 100 miles or 160 km, but it made some sense: Portsmouth is as close to Norton as any of the ports on the south coast of England (the shortest passage to “parts across the sea”). By the time Kendale got to Portsmouth, however, it was November and the weather had turned ugly. He waited there for several days, but no one was crossing “owing to the great violence of the sea.” We don’t have the details, but evidently after he failed to find a ship Kendale was taken into custody as an abjurer who had not quitted the realm as he had sworn to do. He was in danger of swift execution even though (he claimed) he had made every effort to go into exile. Something (again, not recorded) interrupted Kendale’s direct trip to the gallows. We can infer that he was somehow able to make a plea directly to the king, asking his monarch to use the royal powers of mercy to deal with his problem. By this point, however, Kendale’s story had shifted: it was no longer about his blamelessness for his inability to find a ship, but instead a claim that he had not, in fact, committed the murder at all. He said that he had fled to the church and made a false confession only to save his life, as the accusation of murder had been untrue, maliciously made. He feared nonetheless that his enemies would procure his conviction and execution. This avowal of innocence sounds suspiciously convenient at this stage, but it is true that allegations of corruption in the mid fifteenth-century English criminal justice system were all too believable. Henry VI evidently believed Kendale’s story and in March 1453, the king granted Kendale his mercy and the accused murderer walked free. Kendale was, ultimately, a very lucky man, whether fairly or unfairly accused. But let’s go back to his time in Portsmouth harbour. He must have been very anxious for the few days he sought a passage across the channel. He was not the only abjurer for whom it was difficult to find a ship. Here’s one similar story, for example, and let me briefly tell you another, with some telling details. In 1530, one Henry Danby, a baker from London, confessed to having […]
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 04/09/2026
@mayawassellsmith.bsky.social hi, thanks for following. If there's anything we can do to help RMG please let us know
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 04/09/2026
Check out this fascinating post from @nmireland.bsky.social
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 24/08/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
An Uneasy Stomach: Dyspepsia and the Maritime Body - Global Maritime History
This month’s instalment in our Health at Sea in the Age of Sail series turns from dramatic epidemics and life-threatening injuries to a more ordinary, but no less revealing, complaint. Dyspepsia rarely stopped a voyage or filled a surgeon’s journal with crisis, yet it exposed the everyday pressures of shipboard life: preserved food, hurried meals, alcohol, fatigue, anxiety, and the relentless timetable of the ship. Through the uneasy stomach, we can glimpse how deeply the routines of maritime labour entered the body. A sailor’s dinner in the Age of Sail was designed to keep him working, not necessarily to keep him comfortable. Salt beef or pork, dried peas, oatmeal, and ship’s biscuit supplied the energy required to haul ropes, climb rigging, man guns, and endure long watches. The food was durable, measurable, and comparatively resistant to months at sea. It could also be tough, monotonous, heavily salted, hastily eaten, and difficult to digest. Soon after a meal, a sailor might feel an uncomfortable pressure beneath his ribs. His stomach swelled with wind. Sour fluid rose into his throat, accompanied by belching, nausea, or pain. His appetite might disappear, only to return unpredictably. The symptoms were rarely spectacular enough to halt a voyage, yet they could persist for weeks, reducing strength, disturbing sleep, and making every duty more burdensome. Naval surgeons could call such complaints dyspepsia. Today, the word generally means indigestion, but eighteenth- and nineteenth-century dyspepsia was a much broader and less stable diagnosis. It encompassed fullness, epigastric pain, nausea, vomiting, flatulence, disturbed appetite, and irregular bowels. It could also include fatigue, headache, anxiety, melancholy, and nervous irritability. Dyspepsia was not merely a disorder of the stomach. To many contemporary practitioners, it revealed that the proper conversion of food into health, strength, and even emotional stability had begun to fail. Dyspepsia reflected not simply what sailors ate but how quickly they ate, when they ate, and how fatigue, anxiety, alcohol, and disrupted sleep affected the body. The stomach became a barometer of maritime life. More than indigestion Dyspepsia was difficult to define, because it described a collection of symptoms rather than a single identifiable disease. Nineteenth-century physicians associated it with fullness after eating, pain in the upper abdomen, nausea, vomiting, and altered bowel habits. Historians have consequently described dyspepsia as a diagnosis in which “people, disease, and emotions” became unusually entangled. The meaning of the diagnosis also changed over time. By the Victorian period, dyspepsia was increasingly portrayed as a “disease of civilization,” especially among people believed to be overwhelmed by intellectual work, emotional strain, urban habits, or dietary excess. Yet the medical ideas behind this diagnosis had deeper roots. William Cullen (1710–1790), the Scottish physician and professor at the Edinburgh Medical School, had classified dyspepsia among the neuroses in the eighteenth century; later practitioners explored the relationship between the stomach, the nerves, and the mind. John Abernethy (1764–1831), the influential London surgeon, offered one of the fullest early nineteenth-century accounts of this constitutional approach. He believed that disorders of the digestive organs could arise from weakness and irritability rather than from visible structural damage. Their persistence without fatal consequences suggested, he argued, “that it is a disorder of functions, and not a disease of structure.” That distinction made dyspepsia both useful and elusive. A sufferer could experience disabling symptoms without presenting a lesion that could be seen, felt, or confirmed after death. Diagnosis therefore rested on patterns of appetite, digestion, pain, vomiting, bowel movements, sleep, mood, and physical strength. Abernethy described diminished appetite and digestion, flatulence, altered excretions, tenderness in the upper abdomen, and a furred tongue. He also looked beyond the stomach. The dyspeptic patient might become irritable and despondent, with “anxiety and languor” visible in the face. Slight exercise could bring perspiration and exhaustion, while even sound sleep might leave the sufferer unrefreshed and incapable of movement. The stomach, in other words, spoke for the entire constitution. Eating against the clock Life aboard ship offered myriad opportunities for digestion to be disturbed. Meals were governed by bells, watches, weather, discipline, and duty. A sailor did not necessarily eat when hungry or rest after eating. He ate when food was served and returned to work when required. A sudden change of course, worsening weather, or a call to quarters could interrupt the meal or send him directly from the mess to strenuous labor. A revealing parallel comes from the Devonport dockyard in 1869. The staff surgeon recorded 94 cases of dyspepsia, principally among young women employed in the ropery. He attributed their “derangement of the digestive system” partly to the mere half hour allowed for their midday meal. The women then returned immediately to the machinery. Their principal meal might consist of meat pudding, suet pudding, and pork: substantial food consumed quickly, with little opportunity for digestion before labor resumed. The report concerns dockyard workers rather than seamen, but its logic is strikingly maritime: even adequate food could disturb health when eaten rapidly and followed by an immediate return to physical labor. Abernethy expressed a similar principle. Patients should not, he warned, “oppress the powers of the stomach by too great a quantity of food,” nor take another meal until sufficient time had passed for the first to be digested. Such advice assumed a degree of personal control that ordinary sailors rarely possessed. Their stomachs had to accommodate their ship’s timetable. Salt provisions and uneasy digestion The naval ration was an achievement of logistics. Preserved meat, biscuit, dried legumes, grain, beer, and spirits enabled ships to remain at sea for extended periods. Yet provisions chosen for durability were not necessarily those recommended for a disordered stomach. Abernethy favored food that was “nutritious, and easy of digestion”: plain broths, tender meat, milk, eggs, and starchy vegetables. His simplest rule was that patients should avoid anything they were unlikely to digest. For many sailors, this was impractical advice. Fresh milk and eggs soon disappeared on a long voyage. Meat was preserved in salt, biscuit hardened with age, and vegetables became […]
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 17/08/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
King’s Maritime History Seminars, 2026-27 - Global Maritime History
King’s Maritime History Seminars, 2026-27 24 September 2026 Stig Tenold, NHH Norwegian School of Economics Shipping on the Road to Net Zero. Lessons from Maritime History 8 October 2026 Grahame Aldous KC, Inns of Court College of Advocacy Prize Money in Nelson’s Navy 22 October 2026 Mark Harris, Independent Researcher The Naval War in the Baltic, 1914-1915 5 November 2026 Jiayi Liu, King’s College London More than Venice’s Successor: Rethinking the Austrian Navy in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries 19 November 2026 Ian Stafford, Independent Researcher The Improbable Austro-Japanese War The Proctor Memorial Lecture *to be held at Lloyds Register. See below for special registration details 3 December 2026 ‘Overawed and Controlled’? London’s Maritime Workforce in the 19th Century Sarah Palmer, University of Greenwich The Peter N. Davies Memorial Lecture 21 January 2027 Littoral History: the functions and effectiveness of Yorkshire coast havens, harbours and refuges Robb Robinson, University of Hull 4 February 2027 Claire Day, Coventry University London ‘Beyond the Deck’: Shore Suits and Subcultural Identity in Hull’s Fishing Community 18 February 2027 Roy Fenton, BCMH and ‘Ships in Focus’ Boom to Bust in Three Years: Cardiff Shipping post-WWI 4 March 2027 Jacqueline Reiter, Independent Scholar The Improbable Life of Sir Home Popham (TBC) 18 March 2027* Peter Hames, SUNY Maritime College The Design, Construction, Use, and Conversion of T2-SE-A1 Tankers *Note: This paper will be delivered remotely and can be attended online or in person in the usual room. 29 April 2027 Michael E. Leek, Arts University Bournemouth The Battle of Trafalgar, Monday 21 October 1805 – Interpretations Through Art 13 May 2027 Edward J. Wawrzynczak and Jane VS Wickenden Hospital Ships of the Royal Navy in World War One 27 May 2027 Friso Stevens, University of Oxford / The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies Julian Corbett and the British Way of War: Exploring the Principles for a European Naval Strategy The King’s Maritime History Seminars for 2026-27 may be attended in person or online. As always, attendance is free and open to all. To take part, you must register in advance by visiting the KCL School of Security Studies Events page, here: www.kcl.ac.uk/security-studies/events.* Online attendees will receive instructions shortly before the event, by email, about how to join. Otherwise, we will meet in person, as usual, in the Dockrill Room, KIN 628, at King’s College London. Papers will begin at 17:15 GMT. *(Note, however, that the Proctor Lecture on the 3rd of December 2026 will be held at Lloyd’s Register, and registration is to be done via the BCMH website Lectures & Events : British Commission for Maritime History ) The King’s Maritime History Seminar is hosted by the ‘Laughton Naval Unit’ and the ‘Sir Michael Howard Centre for the History of War’ in the Department of War Studies, King’s College London. It is organised by the British Commission for Maritime History (www.maritimehistory.org.uk) in association with the Society for Nautical Research (https://snr.org.uk/). For further information contact Dr Alan James, War Studies, KCL, WC2R 2LS (alan.2.james@kcl.ac.uk).
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 03/08/2026
How 'the crimps' took over Saint John's sailing labour force share.google/bDIBqAVnbBgc...
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How 'the crimps' took over Saint John's sailing labour force
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 03/08/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
Ship Spotting: Toronto Harbour, July 2026 - Global Maritime History
So lately there has been a kerfuffle about the Toronto Island Airport, with the Ontario Provincial Government seizing control of the entirety of the Island, and booting the City of Toronto out of the agreement with the Federal Government and the Toronto Port Authority for control of the airport. A few days ago, the Federal Government decided it was not going to support destroying the Island in order to have jets landing at the Island Airport. However, these are not the only developments going on with the Island Airport, as the Toronto Port Authority has this past week started construction on the Runway End Safety Areas, a required feature that it didn’t previously have.  This is fortunate, because it’s allowed us to have a very interesting sighting deep in Toronto Harbour, one that hasn’t happened for many years- a laker/bulk freighter, very close to the City, and in the Western Half of the harbour. In fact, the freighter – the Whitefish Bay– has been backing directly into the eastern Exclusion Area after the airport shuts down for the night to offload gravel to create the new area as described at the link above.  Since the Whitefish Bay is working with the Amy Lynn D, owned by Doornekamp, and seems to be loading gravel at Picton Terminal, it seems pretty clear that Dornekamp (which owns Picton Terminal) is very deeply involved in this project. Whitefish Bay Stats: Year Built 2013 Horsepower BHP: 11,734 | kW: 8,750 Deadweight 34,400 tonnes Gross tonnage 24,430 tonnes Net tonnage 8,116 tonnes Length Overall 225.50 metres Breadth moulded 23.76 metres Length B.P. (Lpp) 222.60 metres I will admit, when I saw the Port Authority’s animation I didn’t believe it for a second, but I can now report that I have seen it with my own eyes and it’s true.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 28/07/2026
wp.me/p9nqgh-3q3 Thank you to Richard De Grijs for the latest post in his Medical History series!
wp.me
No fitful rest for the ordinary sailor - Global Maritime History
At the Australian National Maritime Museum, our exhibits include two replica ships that played major roles in Australia’s European history. The Dutch East India Company’s Duyfken made the first recorded European landing on Australian soil in 1606. Our second replica vessel is a faithful copy of HMB Endeavour, commanded by James Cook (1728–1779) on his first voyage to the Pacific (1768–1771). Although these vessels represent distinct periods in the history of maritime exploration, one quickly realizes how cramped the “fo’c’sle”—the forecastle, the crew quarters between decks in the bow, usually on the gun deck—must have been. As a case in point, Admiral Nelson’s (1758–1805) HMS Victory featured a gun deck that measured 56 meters (length) by 15.6 meters (beam; width). She was crewed by a complement of 821. There was only enough space for half the crew to sleep at any time. In the early modern era, sailors slept wherever they found a suitable place on deck, if the weather allowed, or below deck in the bow, on cargo, or—as a last resort—on chests. In ancient times, Roman, Greek, or Norse ships did not have interior decks, so sailors would wrap themselves in woollen blankets, furs, clothes, or primitive sleeping bags, if possible sheltering from the elements under makeshift tarps. They would have slept on bare plank decks, sacks filled with fresh leaves, piles of straw, or—if they were lucky—mattresses stuffed with horsehair. Sleeping on the bare deck came with considerable drawbacks, however, even in calm weather or in port. Straw bedding attracted fleas, cockroaches, and other disease carriers. In wet weather, any bedding quickly became soaked, which often led to outbreaks of influenza and pneumonia. Conditions deteriorated when beds started to rot, generating foul odors and consequently becoming breeding grounds of germs and infectious diseases. On the gun decks, sailors shared their sleeping quarters with the cannons, provisions, chests, and other cargo. On heavy seas, sailors might roll off their boards, graze and injury their bodies on the chests, and hit the feces-soiled, rat-infested decks. Loose cannonballs, guns, barrels, or chests might impact their bodies and cause serious injuries or even death. There was little opportunity to avoid such projectiles since the space between decks was usually no more than four or five feet. Christopher Columbus’ (1451–1506) voyage of 1492 led to a breakthrough for ordinary sailors on long-haul voyages. That year on October 17, he noted in his journal on arrival in the New World: “Their beds and covers are like nets made of cotton … The beds on which these people slept were ordinary wicker nets suspended from trees.” He also wrote down “Hamaca” for these “floating beds,” a word taken from “hamaka – stretch of cloth,” in the Taíno-Arawakan language of the Greater Antilles and Haiti. This eventually became “hammock” in English. Columbus, and soon afterwards Amerigo Vespucci (1454?–1512), were sufficiently intrigued by their discovery that they introduced the hammock to the Old World’s gentry. Although most European nobles did not appreciate the novelty device, hammocks gained some traction in nautical circles. Nevertheless, it would take another 100 years before they were widely introduced on ships. The Royal Navy officially adopted “Brazilian beds” for regular crew only in 1597, although many sailors had already pre-emptively adopted hammocks for their comfort and health earlier in the sixteenth century. Hammocks were much more comfortable to sleep in than bare boards or even primitive bunks. They sway with a ship’s motion—and hence reduce sea-sickness—while offering a cocoon-like protective cover, making it almost impossible to fall out. For added stability, many sailors used a spreader—a length of wood with a “V” cut at each end—fastened to their hammock’s second string on each side. Since the first string was much tighter than the others, it raised a protective edge. On Royal Navy vessels, acquiring bedding—narrow mattresses, sheets, blankets, and pillows—was the responsibility of each sailor individually. Bedding could be bought through the ship’s purser, either directly or through payroll deductions. Sheets and pillows were considered a luxury. By 1818, US Naval Regulations stipulated that during their first year of service, sailors were issued a 6-foot by 3-foot hammock, one mattress, and two blankets. Naval hammocks were usually made from sailcloth, which made them different from Columbus’ floating beds and more like the hanging bed supported by ropes depicted in the Old English Luttrell Psalter (ca. 1320–1340; pictured). As is often the case, the hammock’s Indigenous origins were soon forgotten. When King Henry II of France (reigned 1547–1559) noticed a hammock at a Brazilian court celebration, he exclaimed: “The hammock looks exactly like the one we have on our ships,” according to Michel de Montaigne (1533–1592). On warships, the master-at-arms or the first lieutenant assigned sailors a dedicated location to hang their hammock, as determined by the shipboard hierarchy. Sailors slept in long rows, arranged head to toe, with just 14–16 inches of personal space (width); petty officers were given 28 inches. Sleeping in hammocks took some getting used to: We, who weren’t accustomed to the life on board, were a bit uneasy and the first mishap happened when I was attempting to climb into my hammock at night and fell straight out again. Everything has to be learned and I am glad that I wasn’t the first person who had this happen. (Paul Roeser, 1878) Hammocks offered significant advantages over permanent bunks. They could be deployed (“piped down”) and taken down (“piped up”) quickly in confined spaces. When not in use, sailors would roll them up, wrapped tightly around their bedding, and—in fair weather —store them in nets along the gunwale. Thus, hammocks often doubled as safety rails along the main deck. Their exposure to air and sunshine helped maintain hygienic practices. In wet weather, they were stored below decks. In case of emergency, suitably packed hammocks could also be used as flotation devices. More importantly, their use allowed sailors to sleep away from any debris and vermin on the deck, thus reducing the rate of disease and deaths. For this same reason, pre-Columbian Central […]
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 08/07/2026
Matariki: How Māori navigators use the stars to keep their waka on course www.rnz.co.nz/news/te-manu...
rnz.co.nz
Matariki: How Māori navigators use the stars to keep their waka on course
Traditional Māori navigators use celestial bodies, as well as ocean currents, winds and other natural signs, to guide them across vast distances of ocean, with no GPS and no technology, not even a wat...
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 28/07/2026
This will hopefully be up later this week
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 28/07/2026
The website will be down for maintenance July 28 approx 2200 to July 29 approx 0600.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 08/07/2026
Matariki: How Māori navigators use the stars to keep their waka on course www.rnz.co.nz/news/te-manu...
rnz.co.nz
Matariki: How Māori navigators use the stars to keep their waka on course
Traditional Māori navigators use celestial bodies, as well as ocean currents, winds and other natural signs, to guide them across vast distances of ocean, with no GPS and no technology, not even a wat...
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Molly Warsh @mwarsh.bsky.social · 08/07/2026
This looks great--"Environmental Approaches to the Reformation World", to be held online on 30 Sept. 2026 #earlymodern #envhist
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Dr Samuel McLean - This Meeting Could Have Been A Fistfight @canadianerrant.bsky.social · 07/07/2026
Can we make a connection between St Benedict and the creation of the rule, order, discipline, stability etc with the war that Anson as first lord changed the articles of war in 1749? Can we make direct comparisons between monasticism and life in a different -cloistered- institution in the RN?
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 06/07/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
Part 3: "The Stone Witnesses Today: What Survives" - Global Maritime History
Thank you to Andrei for this wonderful conclusion to his series on Portugal’s Padrões. If you haven’t already, please read parts one and two. In December 1937, a young historian named Eric Axelson stepped off a ship at Port Elizabeth with only an afternoon to spare, drove out to a windswept headland on the Eastern Cape coast, and began searching the sand for a stone pillar that had been missing for four and a half centuries. He was looking for a padrão. More precisely, he was looking for the last one Bartolomeu Dias had erected on the African coast in 1488, on the return leg of the voyage that first rounded the Cape of Good Hope. No European had been able to say with certainty where it stood. Storms, iconoclasm, and burial under deep sand had erased it from the landscape, and rival theories scattered its location along hundreds of kilometres of coast. That Axelson found it at all, and that the fragments he recovered now stand reassembled in a university library in Johannesburg, is the subject of this final part of the series. In Parts 1 and 2 we asked what the padrões were and what they meant. Now we ask the questions Diogo Cão’s pillars could not answer for themselves: where are they today, who owns them, and what do they mean five centuries after they were planted? Dias and the three fates of a pillar Dias carried three padrões down the African coast on his voyage of 1487 to 1488, and their three fates together map almost the entire range of what becomes of such monuments: one reconstructed, one vanished without trace, one broken and scattered across four countries. The first, and the furthest east he reached, was the Padrão de São Gregório, raised on 12 March 1488 on a sandy promontory then called False Islet, today Kwaaihoek, about three kilometres west of the mouth of the Bushman’s River. Dias’s crew had mutinied and forced him to turn for home, and the pillar marked the limit of his advance. Because the summit was deep sand, his men carried boulders up from the rocky beach below to hold the cross upright. It stood until the sixteenth century, then dropped out of the records entirely. By the time Axelson went looking, he had spent roughly two years in the archives and libraries of Lisbon, Porto, Évora, the Vatican, Paris, and the British Museum, reading the old Portuguese sailing directions and calculating how far the sea had receded since 1488. He recognised a freshwater spring on the headland as a landmark named in the earliest accounts. His first search turned up nothing; a fortnight later, returning with his brother, his team drove pointed steel rods into the sand until they struck buried boulders and pieces of a dense, pinkish limestone foreign to the soft local rock. A large fragment recovered from a tidal pool over the edge of the cliff, where it had evidently fallen, was confirmed as part of the true cross. The University of the Witwatersrand financed the full excavation, and through patient sieving the padrão was recovered almost in its entirety, but only in pieces, several thousand of them. The stone proved to have been quarried in Portugal. The reconstructed original stands today in the foyer of the William Cullen Library at Wits, described as the oldest historical monument held in South Africa; a cement replica, cast from the original, was erected on the Kwaaihoek headland in 1941. Dias’s second padrão, dedicated to São Filipe, was placed on the Cape of Good Hope itself on 6 June 1488, St Philip’s Day. Of the three it is the one that vanished completely: no fragment of it survives in any museum, and it is known only from the chronicles. The third, the Padrão de São Tiago, he raised at what is now Dias Point near Lüderitz, on the coast of present-day Namibia, in July 1488. It stood for roughly three centuries before toppling, and by 1825 the crew of HMS Barracouta found it uprooted and broken. Seafarers and guano traders then carried off pieces, and systematic excavation in 1953 recovered a dozen large fragments and well over a hundred small ones. Today those fragments are scattered across four collections, in Windhoek, Cape Town, Lisbon, and Greenwich: a single broken pillar dispersed by a century of curio-collecting. A Namibian dolerite replica was unveiled on the original site in 1988. The pillar that stayed: Malindi If the Cape Cross pillar of Part 1, removed to Berlin in 1893, represents the padrão as plunder, the pillar at Malindi represents its opposite: the one African padrão that never left the headland where it was planted. Vasco da Gama was received with rare warmth by the Sultan of Malindi during his pioneering voyage to India, and on the Kenyan coast his men were permitted to erect a padrão of Lisbon limestone topped with a cross. Most historians place its erection on his return voyage in 1499. For five centuries it has stood on a low coral promontory above the Indian Ocean. The squat, bell-shaped form it wears today is not original: the exposed stone weathered so badly that in 1873 Captain Malcolm of HMS Briton had a supporting cone built around it, and the cross above is the one da Gama’s men set in place. The pillar was declared a national monument in 1935 and is cared for by the National Museums of Kenya. It is the only padrão erected on the African coast to survive, in place, at its original site. Who owns them: a room in Lisbon The question of ownership is answered most concretely in a single room in Lisbon. The Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa holds four original African padrões in its museum. Three are Diogo Cão’s: the Santo Agostinho pillar from Cabo de Santa Maria in Angola, brought to Lisbon in 1892 after a commemorative marker replaced it on the headland; the fragmentary São Jorge from the mouth of […]
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 30/06/2026
Please check out our newest Academic Process & Digital Histories Post! The Storymap can be found here: storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/793f...
storymaps.arcgis.com
Ropewalks: Long and Low
An Architectural History of Forgotten Industrial Giants
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 29/06/2026
Source: BBC share.google/XoHwmefhzCgs...
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Isles of Scilly Museum to display treasure from 1680 shipwreck
Artefacts from a 17th Century vessel wrecked off the Isles of Scilly are given to a museum.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 25/06/2026
share.google/cVPBPoyYkvX9...
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Step aboard the only replica of a 16th century Spanish galleon, thanks to an 'extraordinary gift' from Canada | CBC News
The San Juan is almost ready to recreate a centuries-old journey to Canada.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 22/06/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
A Stitch in the Side - Global Maritime History
Despite the preponderance of headline diseases such as scurvy, the Age of Sail witnessed a multitude of much more common afflictions. This month’s post in our series of Health at Sea in the Age of Sail focuses on one such problem, pleurisy, which was predominantly caused by the often highly variable weather conditions at sea. Some illnesses at sea announced themselves with spectacle—the spotted rash of typhus, the swollen gums of scurvy, the violent purging of dysentery. Others began much simpler: a breath drawn too deeply, followed by sudden pain. Before dawn, a sailor might come below from his watch clutching his side. Only hours earlier he had stood on deck in driving spray, his clothes soaked through by wind and rain. Now each inhalation sent a sharp stab beneath the ribs. He could breathe only in short, guarded gasps. Fever followed quickly. His pulse ran hard and fast. To the ship’s surgeon, the pattern was familiar. This was pleurisy, an inflammation of the membrane lining the chest and surrounding the lungs. Few disorders better reveal the intimate relationship between environment and disease in the Age of Sail. Ships exposed men to cold winds, wet clothing, foul air, sudden climatic change, physical exhaustion, and crowded sleeping quarters. Under such conditions, chest complaints were common. Some proved mild. Others killed swiftly. Pleurisy occupied an uneasy place in early modern medicine. It was recognizable in symptoms, yet uncertain in boundaries. Surgeons could identify the stabbing pain, the fever, and the difficulty of breathing, but they could not always distinguish inflammation of the pleura from pneumonia, tuberculosis, or other diseases of the chest. What they knew for certain was that when breathing itself became painful, danger was close. What was Pleurisy? The term pleurisy derived from the pleura, the membrane enveloping the lungs and lining the inner chest wall. In classical and early modern medicine, pleurisy referred to inflammation in this part of the body, usually marked by acute pain in one side of the chest, fever, cough, and difficulty drawing breath. The pain often worsened when the patient inhaled deeply, coughed, or changed position. To eighteenth-century physicians, pleurisy was generally classified among the inflammatory diseases. Blood was thought to become overheated, thickened, or driven into the vessels of the chest, producing pain and fever. Exposure to cold after exertion was a common explanation, as was the sudden suppression of perspiration. A sailor who sweated heavily while hauling ropes, then stood chilled in wet clothes on an exposed deck, seemed a textbook candidate. Yet pleurisy was not always a distinct condition. Medical writers often discussed it alongside peripneumony—inflammation of the lungs—or treated the two as overlapping complaints. Without stethoscopes, X-rays, or laboratory tests, diagnosis depended on the patient’s account, the surgeon’s eye, and the progress of symptoms over time. Still, pleurisy had one advantage as a diagnosis: it hurt in a very particular way. Even when the underlying cause remained obscure, the knife-like pain in the side was difficult to mistake. Cold Winds, Wet Hammocks: Why Sailors were Vulnerable Life at sea generated ideal conditions for chest disease. Sailors worked in an environment of constant exposure. Watches were stood in darkness, rain, and freezing spray. Men climbed the rigging high above the deck in winter winds or labored shirtless under tropical suns, only to be drenched moments later by sudden squalls. Clothing, once wet, often remained wet for days. Below decks, conditions were little better. Hammocks hung close together in crowded spaces where ventilation was poor and air thick with tar, sweat, damp canvas, and smoke from the galley. Men recovering from fever slept mixed with the healthy. Coughs echoed through the berth deck at night. In such quarters, respiratory illness spread easily. Fatigue further weakened resistance. Sailors frequently worked interrupted sleep schedules, long watches, and bursts of exhausting labor during storms or battle. Nutrition was uneven, and many men reached their positions at sea already vulnerable from poverty or prior illness. In these circumstances, the chest became one more site where maritime strain registered itself. Naval physicians repeatedly linked disease to climate. Cold and moisture were especially feared as causes of inflammatory complaints. Warm climates brought their own dangers, but a wet North Atlantic crossing or winter blockade could be just as punishing. The Age of Sail was global, but the body carried every latitude within it. Diagnosis, Bleeding, and the Surgeon’s Dilemma Diagnosis at sea depended on observation rather than instruments. The ship’s surgeon listened to his patient’s complaints, watched the movement of the chest, felt the pulse, and judged the heat of his skin. Where exactly was the pain? Did it worsen on inhaling? Was there cough? Could the patient lie flat? Had fever appeared suddenly or gradually? Such questions guided treatment, but certainty was elusive. A sharp pain in the side might indeed suggest pleurisy, yet other disorders could present similarly. Pneumonia, then commonly termed peripneumony, often brought fever, cough, and difficulty breathing. Tuberculosis might begin with chest discomfort before progressing to wasting and chronic cough. Rheumatic pain in the muscles between the ribs could mimic inflammation within the chest. Even digestive complaints sometimes produced pain that patients described as “in the side.” Without the means to see inside the body, diagnosis remained provisional. Because delay was considered dangerous, surgeons often treated first and refined their judgment later. Pleurisy belonged to the family of inflammatory diseases, and inflammation demanded prompt reduction. The standard remedy was bloodletting. If the patient was young and robust, the lancet might be applied immediately, often to remove a substantial quantity of blood. Physicians believed that this reduced vascular tension, relieved congestion in the chest, and prevented more serious complications. If pain persisted, bleeding could be repeated. Blistering agents were then commonly applied to the side or chest, raising painful vesicles on the skin in hopes of drawing inflammation out from deeper tissues. Warm poultices or fomentations might also be used. Mild purgatives cleared the bowels; they were thought to lessen internal fullness and restore […]
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wes(is no longer)injapan @wesinjapan.bsky.social · 15/06/2026
I have lived in multiple cities with Ropewalks. Liverpool being the most prominent, I suppose.
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Susan Klaiber @susanklaiber.bsky.social · 15/06/2026
Christy Anderson's project on ropewalks, those wonderful, weird, long early industrial buildings. #architecture #architecturalhistory
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Hupple’s Cat @hupplescat.bsky.social · 15/06/2026
The Marines providing security at the Charlestown Navy Yard used to patrol the rope walk, on “fire watch” IIRC. The roe walk was full of fibers, and tar, so it was a pretty combustible place. I think the DC Navy Yard had a rope walk too… www.nps.gov/places/ropew...
nps.gov
Ropewalk (U.S. National Park Service)
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Paul Cowling @picowlo.bsky.social · 15/06/2026
A film from 1930's on the ropewalk in Hagalund in Stockholm stockholmskallan.stockholm.se/post/34759
stockholmskallan.stockholm.se
Bland hantverkare i Stockholm: Repslageri (1934)
Under 1930-talet gjorde Stockholms stadsmuseum en serie filmer med titeln Bland hantverkare i Stockholm . Syftet med filmerna var att skildra traditionella
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Neil M Kennedy @nmkennedy.bsky.social · 15/06/2026
Interesting. Was happy to see the vast impressive Venice example last month, mostly open only during the Biennale I think. Good example at Dockyard, Bermuda to see as well though has yacht repair works in it now. Legacy remembered as Ropewalk Lane here in St John’s, not surprisingly.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 15/06/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
Mapping the Ropewalk: A Vanished Building Type Online - Global Maritime History
Christy Anderson is a professor at the University of Toronto, jointly in Art History and the Daniels Faculty of Architecture. These days she works on ships as architecture, including the ropewalks that rigged the world’s fleets. Her current project, Age of Rope, follows these buildings and their workers across the early modern Atlantic and Mediterranean.   Nica Fleming (BA, University of Toronto, 2026) has a specialist degree in Art History and a minor in Geography. Her primary area of interest is architectural history. She loves discovering connections between stylistic movements and is fascinated by representations of architecture in other mediums. Nica plans to continue exploring the ties between art, architecture, geography, and cultural context.   Ropewalks — the long, narrow buildings and spaces where rope was manufactured for maritime use — were once found in every port town. Every sailing ship that crossed an ocean before the twentieth century carried miles of rope, and every length of that rope was made in a ropewalk. Today most ropewalks are lost, now only recognized in the street names where they once stood. This blog post describes the building of a digital platform for the research project Age of Rope, led by Professor Christy Anderson (University of Toronto), a study of the architecture, agriculture, and labour of ropemaking. We discuss the choice of an online mapping platform, the presentation of primary research in a public-facing and open-access format, the collaboration between faculty and student research assistants, and future plans for the larger and ongoing project. The history of rope must be pieced together from scattered sources: buildings that have mostly vanished, agricultural landscapes that have been transformed, and production knowledge that was rarely written down. A project with this many moving parts — industrial heritage, agricultural and environmental history, maritime history, the history of techniques, architectural history — is best suited for a team of researchers. Each strand opens a different point of entry for students, and each topic gives them a chance to develop research and public humanities skills they can carry into their own work. Nica Fleming, an undergraduate student at the University of Toronto, began work for Christy Anderson in the summer of 2025, compiling a database of ropewalks by gathering images, bibliography, and location data for each. Nica started by researching extant and well-known naval ropewalks such as those at Chatham, Rochefort, Boston, and Venice. The challenge, however, was to reconstruct what could be known about lost or smaller scale industrial spaces. There is no single history of the ropewalk as a building type and therefore the research required initiative and creativity. Nica used a variety of dispersed primary and secondary sources, including heritage site registries, fire insurance plans, and municipal history societies to find information on lesser known sites. That information was collected in a database with categories on location, dates, materials, structural type, length, and so on. Then, Nica mapped the ropewalks found so far using ArcGIS. In order to present a story about the importance of ropemaking spaces, we uploaded our maps onto an online platform called ArcGIS StoryMaps. StoryMaps is a readily-available website-builder for creating multi-media narratives based on maps, combining geographical locations with text, pictures, videos, and more. Why did we decide to map these buildings? The argument we wanted to make was geographical before it was architectural: that rope production was not a specialist or marginal industry but one woven into the fabric of every maritime economy, present in every port town and many places beyond the coast. A list of sites, or even a set of case-study essays, could not make that argument as directly as a map. When a reader sees a multitude of points distributed across the Atlantic and Mediterranean (the focus of this first phase of research) the density and spread of the industry becomes immediately visible. The map is not an illustration of the argument; it is the argument. The form also suits the material. Ropewalks are a distributed archive, scattered across coastlines and inland fields from the Mediterranean to North America, and no single museum or monograph holds them in one place. A map can, and our map is the first one to bring these dispersed structures together. A map of many points is a starting argument, not a complete one. Knowing where ropewalks were tells you something, but it does not tell you what they looked like, who built them, who worked in them, or what happened to them. We needed a way to move between the scale of the whole and the scale of the particular — a single building, a specific labour system, a documented fire or demolition. ArcGIS StoryMaps lets us combine the map with text, images, and archival sources in one platform, offering a narrative path through our data. The StoryMap also gives us an honest way to represent what we do not yet know: the map has gaps, and the gaps are visible, which is itself a form of argument about where research still needs to go. Two principles guided the design of the StoryMap, both drawn from Telling Stories with Maps, (Esri, 2025): repetition and atmosphere. Nica writes: I wanted readers to understand the organization without having to think about it, so I used repetition to create a legible structure. Each section (broken into topics: ropemaking, naval ropewalks, ‘cottage’ ropewalks, forms of labour, urban legacies, and present states) uses the same elements — a full-screen map of our data points, a zoom into one case-study ropewalk discussed in relation to the section’s theme, and any subtopics that follow as stand-alone images and text. The rhythm helps viewers know where they are, and lets them focus on the information rather than the structure. I also worked on the visuals: a custom theme that evokes the inside of a “long and low” ropewalk — wooden, dark, dusty — with a light-blue accent and rope icons tying the look to the project’s naval context. As a public humanities project, the Ropewalks: Long and […]
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 14/06/2026
We have a *really* great Academic Processes and Digital Humanities series post coming up for you tomorrow, from Dr Christy Anderson at U of T and her student Nica Fleming. It's about Ropewalks and it's a great online project.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 14/06/2026
The National Museum of Ireland has some amazing posts on maritime and boaty stuff. This is just the latest example of their brilliant stuff
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🏴󠁧󠁢󠁳󠁣󠁴󠁿-out-of-the-box @peterstott.bsky.social · 30/05/2026
Love it 🎻
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Dr Samuel McLean - This Meeting Could Have Been A Fistfight @canadianerrant.bsky.social · 08/06/2026
Thank you to @katbhave.bsky.social for her latest dispatch from Christchurch!
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Professor Claire Jowitt @clairejowitt.bsky.social · 08/06/2026
Do join us! For more information, please visit: lnkd.in/e6spEqik or email: mark.barton@snr.org.uk I am delighted to share recent research on the #Gloucesterwreck & so looking forward to exploring the glorious nautical heritage of Liverpool. #maritime #history #navy
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 08/06/2026
globalmaritimehistory.com
The wonderful world of PapersPast - Global Maritime History
A partnership between the National Library of New Zealand Te Puna Mātauranga o Aotearoa and the New Zealand Government Te Kāwanatanga o Aotearoa, PapersPast is New Zealand’s digitised newspaper repository, and also features magazines, books and official documentation. We are incredibly fortunate that this incredible resource is available to use for free. It was launched in 2001 and new material is regularly added. We are particularly fortunate here in Christchurch that coverage of The Press goes up to 1995; at the moment the majority of coverage goes up to the 1940s or 50s. The platform works in collaboration with organisations around the country, such as the NZ Defence Force and Christchurch City Libraries, who hold the original materials that get digitised. As you may suspect it is an invaluable tool for researching New Zealand Aotearoa, te ao Māori and a myriad of other subjects. I have used PapersPast  – mainly newspapers – for work and my own research for a number of years. Quite regularly I disappear down a rabbit hole, discovering many fascinating stories. One of the most bizarre was a ‘grotesquely curious lawsuit’ from 1878 involving a Captain Brandon, his quack ‘theologist’ daughter ‘Mrs’ Currie (I can find a marriage notice in a newspaper but no registration to go with it) and the Venerable Archdeacon Dudley. You can read the whole story here, but essentially Mrs Currie advertised her services in a local paper thus: Mrs Currie, theologist – The revealer of the revelations and mysteries of the Bible, will shortly again repeat the lecture on the “Birth and Death of Christ,” which explains the Holy Trinity. Mrs Currie will also explain how the knowledge was obtained, and also a speechless representation of the mystery of the “Sin of Eve.” Evening Star, 16 March 1878 Funnily enough the archdeacon wasn’t exactly keen on this lecture and spoke out against it and discouraged young people from attending. Brandon and Currie found out about this, and as only 6 people attended when they had hoped for around 300, they took legal action against Archdeacon Dudley for lost earnings.  The article about the lawsuit appeared in a number of newspapers, however I cannot find the verdict being reported on. I suspect the case would have been pretty quickly thrown out. Poking about further into this family has revealed connections to the 1857 Indian Rebellion, bigamy in Australia, and stays in mental hospital for the father and daughter. Maybe one day I’ll write up the whole bizarre saga but I would never have stumbled on the story without PapersPast. In the past indexers did incredible work to make newspapers accessible, but the serendipity of PapersPast is a whole new level. Indeed, I was poking about in the wonderful world of spiritualism when I came across Peter Trolove. In the first few decades of the twentieth century he was a prolific writer of letters to The Press, a devoted spiritualist, and keen golfer. When Arthur Conan Doyle visited Christchurch in the early 1920s Trolove hosted him. Sadly they didn’t played get to play golf together. He also made connections from beyond the grave, such as this Egyptian princess, which he wrote about enthusiastically to the paper. Sir, I don’t think Tutankhamen will be worrying much about what happens to his mummy, because he seems to have been a decent sort of chap who had the welfare of his people at heart, and he is likely to have progressed very far away from this plane of existence. Very different was the case of an Egyptian princess who came to some of us some years ago. This lady, apart from killing from a few lovers, who used to gouge out slaves’ eyes. This meant centuries of arrested development passed under decidedly unpleasant conditions. The Press, 19 February 1923, Page 7  As you can see his letters are a treasure trove of unique reactions to events of the day. His thoughts on those Anzacs who didn’t return from Gallipoli are quite singular. Sir, – all the sentiment about the above [Gallipoli graves] puts me in mind of a story a popular doctor in a northern town used to tell about himself and an old priest. “Well, father, how are you this morning?” was the cheery medical greeting. “Ah, doctor, it is not about my vile old carcase I am thinking about this morning. It is about the welfare of your immortal soul.” Whatever will it matter to the Turks do to the Gallipoli graves? When will people realise that our bodies are merely instruments? Scientists like Oliver Lodge and Sir Clement Wragge, and many others are making very definite pronouncements as to what man is. The Press, 19 February 1916, Page 2 Would this have been comforting to the bereaved? Certainly, Trolove’s sentiments were well intentioned. Spiritualism and the First World War is a very interesting topic, with Arthur Conan Doyle going there, as did Lord Trenchard, and the topic has also been examined by Pat Barker in several of her novels. If the physical body of the deceased was half a world away, or lost, the idea of getting in touch with something immutable must have been appealing to relatives. These are just a couple of the rabbit holes I have disappeared down on PapersPast, and the tip of the iceberg of what you can discover. There is so much content! Any aspect of New Zealand culture – the New Zealand Listener is a must, te ao Māori – early newspapers in te reo, Pasifika, international subjects, indigenous cultures, war – there are heaps of Second World War unit magazines on there, music – such as Rip it up magazine, and so much more. Dive in! You’ll probably find me there finding amusing international trouser stories and seeing how (relatively) low prices were in the 1980s. Both the Brandon / Currie and Trolove stories appeared in the 2025 Christchurch City Libraries’ exhibition Eccentric Christchurch.
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Paul McO'Smith III @pavsmith.bsky.social · 25/05/2026
military dancing is a very long tradition in the UK...
static.klipy.com
Knights with Laser Eyes Dance
ALT: Knights with Laser Eyes Dance
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Callan Davies @callanjd.bsky.social · 21/05/2026
More brilliant work on The King's Women site, here unpacking the networks around the Globe and its associated enterprises on Bankside. And how excellent that Alice Tapps's house was a taphouse...
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Professor Claire Jowitt @clairejowitt.bsky.social · 21/05/2026
Out today! Congratulations to Richard Frohock! His book 'offers new insights into piracy literature by analyzing ways in which the pirate served as a contested figure of conversation in relation to imperialist violence, gender, race & topical philosophical matters'. www.routledge.com/Piracy-Mythm...
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Dr Samuel McLean - This Meeting Could Have Been A Fistfight @canadianerrant.bsky.social · 19/05/2026
Check out part two of this fascinating series.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 25/05/2026
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“All hands to dance and skylark!” – Shipboard dancing in the British Navy - Global Maritime History
Most readers will be at least somewhat familiar with Captain Cook. But did you know that he almost single-handedly propelled the English Hornpipe into the public consciousness, ensuring it became England’s national dance? In our series on “Health at Sea in the Age of Sail”, this time we focus on exercise routines. “We were all hearty seamen, no cold did we fear; And we have from all sickness entirely kept clear; Thanks be to the Captain he has proved so good; Amongst all the Islands to give us fresh food.”, – William Perry, surgeon’s mate on H.M.S. Resolution, 1775 Lieutenant James Cook (1728–1779) is known as a popular and considerate commander, unusually obsessed with preserving the health of his crew. He is credited with leading the first long-distance sea voyages without any deaths from scurvy. Less well known, however, is his preoccupation with daily exercise. In his late twenties, Cook had served as a junior warrant officer on H.M.S. Eagle in Admiral Edward Boscawen’s (1711–1761) fleet, where he astutely observed the positive health impacts of a daily routine of dancing to the music of the fiddle, fife (an instrument resembling a piccolo), and drum. Those life lessons ultimately shaped his leadership style. “Captain Cook wisely thought that dancing was of special use to sailors. This famous navigator, wishing to counteract disease on board his vessels as much as possible, took particular care, in calm weather, to make his sailors and marines dance to the sound of a violin, and it was to this practice that he mainly ascribed the sound health which his crew enjoyed during voyages of several years’ continuance.” Shipboard dancing—as recreation or entertainment, to reinvigorate listless sailors on long voyages, to calm nerves before battle, or as an early fitness routine—already had a long history in the British Navy. The practice dates back to at least 1585, when John Davis (Davys; ca. 1550–1605), the English navigator famous for his search for the Northwest Passage, had his crew dance to music, both on board and in cultural exchanges with the Inuit inhabitants of Greenland’s east coast., Dance as a vehicle of intercultural communication was also successfully deployed by Cook on his voyages to the Pacific. During the Georgian era (1714–ca. 1837), dancing during the “dog watch,” once the day’s work had been completed, became popular both above and below deck—among officers and sailors alike. Admiral Edward Pellew (1757–1833) even had an enslaved violinist of African origin abducted in Lisbon “to furnish music for the sailors’ dancing in their evening leisure, a recreation highly favourable to the preservation of their good spirits and contentment.”, The most accomplished dancers among the crew were held in high esteem in the informal shipboard hierarchy. They would often be found climbing the rigging to the highest sails. Daily dance routines offer benefits to both body and mind, firing off neurons in the brain and, hence, boosting morale and wellbeing. Regular dance practice supports the development of one’s agility, spatial awareness, joint and muscular tone and flexibility, balance, and endurance—strengthening core muscles and bones through anaerobic exercise, while also improving one’s heart resilience and lung capacity. Cook was a trailblazer in maintaining a healthy lifestyle on board. His implementation of dancing as an exercise routine was enthusiastically embraced by his successors, including William Bligh (1754–1817) on H.M.S. Bounty and Matthew Flinders (1774–1814) on H.M.S. Investigator, and also by a number of ship’s surgeons during the era of convict transportation from England to Australia. Historically, almost all British Navy ships included musicians among their crews—sailors who could play the fiddle, flute, fife, trumpet, or drum—although they were hardly ever registered as such on muster lists. On his first voyage to the Pacific on H.M. Bark Endeavour (1768–1771), Cook’s crew included the drummer and fiddler Thomas Rossiter (1750–1788). Later voyages often included official musicians, enough to form a band of French horns, flutes, violins, “hautboys” (oboes), highland pipes (bagpipes), trumpets, and drums. Carlo Blasis (1797–1878), the Italian dancer, choreographer, and historian, wrote: “The dance they generally indulged in, is called by the English the Hornpipe; it is of a most exhilarating character, and perhaps more animated even than the Tarantella [a rapid, whirling dance from southern Italy].” Cook is often credited with elevating the Hornpipe to England’s national dance, although its use at sea dates back to at least the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century. As a sailor’s dance, the music’s score was first published in 1797 or 1798, but the basic melody—also known as the College Hornpipe, the Jig of the Ship, or Jack’s the Lad—predates that publication by several decades. By 1829, one would have been hard-pressed to find any sailor who was unfamiliar with the tune. After all, “a sailor who could not dance a hornpipe was no sailor at all.” The Hornpipe gained enormously in popularity among sailors in the 1740s, when the rhythm was adjusted from the original 3/2 triple time to the now common 4/4 time. The dance is particularly suitable to depict shipboard life and duties, with movements mimicking hitching one’s pants, climbing the rigging, the hauling and coiling of ropes, bilge pumping, and looking out to sea. The New Zealand Academy of Highland and National Dancing rightly highlights that the Hornpipe revealed some desirable traits of the sailor at work, including “a serious countenance, steps confined to a small space owing to the inadequacy of the deck space, the movements of the body, arms and feet showing vigour and precision and the whole performance presented in a nautical manner.” It was easy to dance the Hornpipe alone or in groups, at a tempo that was in tune with the daily rhythm of shipboard life. But the Hornpipe was not just a shipboard dance. Sailors often continued the practice on a run ashore, not least to attract female attention or simply for reasons of alcohol-fuelled bravado. Indeed, “the sailor’s hornpipe [became] one of the glories of the English Navy.” Over time, it became less common to include dedicated fiddlers among ships’ crews, and so dancing […]
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 19/05/2026
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The Stone Witnesses: What Were Portugal's Padrões? - Global Maritime History
Thank you to Andrei Romanov for part 2 of his fascinating series. Part 1 can be found here. Part 2 of 3: The Padrões as Strategic Instruments In Part 1, we examined what the padrões were: limestone pillars erected by Portuguese navigators along the African coast in the 1480s as territorial markers. We described their physical construction, the ceremony of their erection, and the voyages of Diogo Cão, who planted them at the furthest reaches of the known world. But the padrões were not merely monuments. They were strategic instruments in a distinctly Portuguese approach to empire, one that prioritised marking over occupying, inscription over settlement, and symbolic sovereignty over territorial control. This approach would shape not only Portuguese expansion but the entire European colonial project. To understand how, we need to examine what the padrões meant in legal and strategic terms, and how the Portuguese model of maritime empire differed from the territorial strategies that Spain, the Dutch Republic, and later Britain would adopt. The legal fiction of discovery When Diogo Cão planted a padrão on the southern bank of the Congo River in 1482, he was enacting a legal claim rooted in a framework of European international law that had been developing since the thirteenth century. The doctrine of discovery, rooted in a series of papal bulls issued in the 1450s that granted Portugal specific rights over lands discovered along the African coast, and later formalised in the jurisprudence of later centuries, held that Christian European powers could claim sovereignty over territories inhabited by non-Christian peoples simply by being the first Europeans to arrive there and perform certain ritualised acts of possession. The padrão was one such act. The legal logic was circular and self-serving. The padrão declared Portuguese sovereignty. Portuguese sovereignty rested on the act of planting the padrão. The consent of the people who actually lived on the land was irrelevant, because they were not Christian, and therefore, according to European legal theory, they did not possess full sovereignty over their own territories. This was not merely theoretical. The padrões served as evidence in diplomatic disputes. When Spain and Portugal contested control over newly discovered territories, the padrões functioned as proof of prior Portuguese presence. The Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, which divided the non-European world between Spain and Portugal along a meridian 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, was predicated on precisely this kind of claim: that discovery, marked by physical monuments and recorded in chronicles, constituted a legal basis for sovereignty. The padrão, in this sense, was not just a marker. It was a legal instrument. It made Portuguese sovereignty legible to other European powers, even if it remained meaningless to the African and Asian peoples whose lands it purported to claim. Marking, not occupying The Portuguese approach to empire was shaped by demographic and economic constraints that other European powers did not face, at least not to the same degree. Portugal in the late fifteenth century had a population of approximately one million people. It did not have the human resources to settle vast territories in Africa or Asia in the way that Spain would later settle the Americas. Even if it had, the economic logic of Portuguese expansion did not require settlement. What Portugal wanted was not land, but access: access to the sources of gold, ivory, and slaves in West Africa, and later, access to the spice-producing regions of the Indian Ocean. The padrão reflected this strategic priority. It marked a claim without requiring occupation. It asserted sovereignty without requiring settlers. It was a placeholder, a legal fiction that reserved Portuguese rights over a coastline or a trade route without committing resources to defend or administer the territory in question. This approach allowed Portugal to construct what historian A.J.R. Russell-Wood has called a ‘scattered empire’ or an ’empire of the sea’: a network of coastal fortresses, trading posts, and strategic islands connected by maritime routes, rather than a contiguous territorial empire. The padrões were the visible markers of this scattered empire. They dotted the African coast at intervals, like breadcrumbs leading from Lisbon to the Cape of Good Hope, and eventually, across the Indian Ocean to Goa, Malacca, and Macau. They did not mark the boundaries of Portuguese territory. They marked the extent of Portuguese ambition.   The Portuguese model versus the Spanish model The contrast with Spanish colonial strategy is instructive. When Christopher Columbus returned from his first voyage to the Americas in 1493, he brought back gold, exotic plants, and several Taíno people whom he had taken from the islands and brought before the Spanish court as living evidence of his discoveries. Spain’s response was not to plant pillars. It was to send settlers. Columbus’s second voyage in 1493 included seventeen ships carrying over 1,200 men, along with seeds, livestock, tools, and supplies for establishing permanent settlements. Spain’s imperial model in the Americas was, from the outset, one of territorial conquest and colonisation. It sought to transplant Spanish society, Spanish religion, Spanish law, and Spanish agriculture onto the lands it claimed. Portugal could not do this, and did not need to. The Portuguese were not discovering uninhabited islands or sparsely populated continents. They were navigating along coastlines that were already densely inhabited, already integrated into complex trade networks that stretched across the Sahara, the Indian Ocean, and the South China Sea. Portuguese strategy was not to conquer these regions but to insert itself into the existing networks and extract profit through trade, tribute, and, increasingly, violence. The padrão was the perfect symbol of this strategy. It claimed everything and controlled nothing. It asserted Portuguese presence without requiring Portuguese administration. It was sovereignty as performance, empire as theatre. The Dutch and British models: occupation and administration The Portuguese scattered empire model would be challenged, and ultimately supplanted, by the more territorially aggressive strategies of the Dutch and the British in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Dutch East India Company, founded in 1602, did not plant pillars. It […]
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 09/05/2026
We have some very cool guest blogs coming up soon including another Academic Process & Digital humanities series post. If you are using a neat process to do neat things to neat information (not limited to maritime history), we'd love to give you a platform to talk about it.
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Dr Samuel McLean - This Meeting Could Have Been A Fistfight @canadianerrant.bsky.social · 07/05/2026
This is going to be a great conference. I wish I could go. Alas no online attendance this year as it'll be held on base at Esquimalt.
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pam lach @plach.bsky.social · 09/05/2026
Yesterday's #DigitalHumanities Showcase was incredible. Our DH Center was packed w folks eager to share their work & learn from each other. What an impressive range of creative-critical multimodal work exploring a range of questions about/thru/against the digital.+
A group of people gather around a large screen to learn about a collaborative class project. There are lego figures, books, and zines displayed in front of the screen.A display of origami figures and books for the "Origami as Data" project, including an elephant and whaleTwo students perform "Girl Plagiarism" -- a showcase of research through dancing live in the room with a TV screen with sources and images for the dancers to work fromPeople gathered at multiple large screens to learn about different digital projects. In the foreground, many people are listening to an informal presentation about an ongoing digital cultural heritage project.
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 07/05/2026
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2025 Canadian Nautical Research Society Conference Schedule - Global Maritime History
Royal Canadian Navy in conjunction with the Canadian Nautical Research Society Present: Sea Power on the Pacific Rim: History, Heritage, and the Canadian Experience CFB Esquimalt, Britsh Columbia Proposed Two-Day Program Schedule DAY ONE Thursday, 25 June 2026 0800–0900 Registration and Coffee 0900–0915 Welcome Remarks Conference Chair / Royal Canadian Navy / Canadian Nautical Research Society 0915–1015 Opening Address Dr. Duncan Redford The centrality of the NW Pacific region to deterring and defeating Russia – a historical perspective. 1015–1030 Coffee Break 1030–1200 Panel 1: Foundations of Canadian Pacific Sea Power • Ambjörn L. Adomeit  On Behalf of the Canadian Nation: Premier Sir Richard McBride’s Submarine Purchase on the Dawn of War, 4 August 1914 • Frank W. Millerd An Oversight in the BNA Act • Thomas Malcomson The Maritime Career of Captain Edwin Dunn 1200–1315 Lunch 1315–1445 Panel 2: Canada, Empire, and the Pacific in War • Noah James The Advance to the West Coast: Naval Planning and Weltpolitik under Kaiser Wilhelm II • Sabrina Schettino Victoria Pelagic Sealing Fleet in the North Pacific (1887–1899) • William Glover Joseph Chamberlain’s Fiasco: Merchant Shipping Legislation of 1884 1445–1500 Coffee Break 1500–1630 Panel 3: HMCS Uganda and Canadian Naval Autonomy • NCdt Shelby Andrews Our Lady of Steel: HMCS Uganda and Canadian Naval Autonomy in the Pacific War • Malcolm A.P. Butler His Majesty’s Canadian Ship Uganda and the Pacific Volunteer Policy Discussion chaired by senior naval historian () 1700–1900 Receptioon / Networking Event at Wardroom Bar featuring the Naden Band Jazz Ensemble DAY TWO Friday, 26 June 2026 0830–0930 Morning Address Dr. David Kohnen The Atlantic Convoy Conference of 1943 with a specific emphasis on the “special intelligence” rela5onships which truly bound our navies together since the Second World War and up to the present day 0945–1115 Panel 4: Intelligence, Cold War, and Security on the Pacific Coast • Adam Coombs Fishing Expeditions: Canada’s Response to Soviet Fishing Vessels in Canadian Waters during the Early Cold War • Rebecca Meunier Declassification: Role and Importance in Historical Research • Isabel Campbell Making a Difference in Pacific and Arctic Naval Research, 1948–1956 1115–1130 Coffee Break 1130–1300 Panel 5: Indigenous Waters, Mapping, and Encounter • Jesse Robertson Exchanging Gifts and Hosting Dances: Indigenous Protocols on Her Majesty’s Ships, 1839–1862 • John Lutz Out of the Fog: Finding the Gulf Islands 1300–1415 1300 – 1415 LUNCH 1415–1545 Panel 6: Recovering Hidden Histories • Rebecca Murray Snapshots of Her Service: Photographs of Servicewomen in the Pacific during the Second World War • Akuyea Karen Vargas & Taylor Tate For the Record, We Been Here: Archival Traces of Human Footprints • Paul Seguna The Important Role of Our Naval Museum in the Preservation of Our Naval Heritage and History 1545–1600 Coffee Break 1600 – 1640 Panel 7: The Evolution of Strategy • Richard H. Gimblef The Evolution of Canadian Naval Strategic Thinking • A/SLt Ram Kumar Venkatachalam The Evolutioon of Strategic Denial: Financial Attrition and the Metamorphosis of Modern Warfare 1640–1740 Keynote Address Dr. David Zimmerman The RCN’s Unknown Ocean: The Pacific in Canadian Naval History  1740–1800 Closing Remarks
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Dr Samuel McLean - This Meeting Could Have Been A Fistfight @canadianerrant.bsky.social · 27/04/2026
Lagavulin, for my friend Maurice Smith who died last night. Past President of the Canadian Nautical Research Society, Curator Emeritus of Marine Museum of the Great Lakes, first captain of STV Pathfinder. Narrowboat fan, very funny man. All my love to Ruth and the family.
Glass with a knot on it and Lagavulin inside
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Global Maritime History @globalmarhist.bsky.social · 21/04/2026
@matildasidel.bsky.social hello, thanks for following us. Would you be interested in writing a blog post for us about your work? We very much enjoy helping promote grad students
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Andrew Livsey @andrewlivsey.bsky.social · 21/04/2026
My "Writing the History of the Royal Navy, 1945-2020" is out with IJMH (link in next text), surveying interesting new work by Ed Hampshire and Peter Hore, and covering mistakes in existing work such as the Official History of the Falklands Campaign, and where gaps remain. 1/2
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Dr Samuel McLean - This Meeting Could Have Been A Fistfight @canadianerrant.bsky.social · 21/04/2026
Please check out this *fascinating* programme for next week. I'm really looking forward to attending online as much as I can. There are some really neat talks that are going to be there, and lots of friends of @globalmarhist.bsky.social like Meaghan Walker and Seth LeJacq
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