Quebec's election brought the sovereigntists back to power, destroyed the governing party, and revealed a political system more fragmented than ever.

In Australia, Footy Isn't About Footy

In Australia, Footy Isn't About Footy

Trump is plainly changing the issues around which Canadian politics operates. Existing party electorates are being placed under new pressures and voters are moving across partisan boundaries.

What does the American right make of a separatist movement that looks almost nothing like Alberta separatism?

What does the American right make of a separatist movement that looks almost nothing like Alberta separatism?

What does the American right make of a separatist movement that looks almost nothing like Alberta separatism?

David J. Rovinsky david@rovinsky.net Journal of Australian, Canadian, and Aotearoa New Zealand Studies 6 (September 2026): 37-76, Abstract: This article compares secessionist politics in Western Au…

Twenty-six years after Australians began paying the GST, the tax itself hasn't moved. But everything around it keeps changing.

Twenty-six years after Australians began paying the GST, the tax itself hasn't moved. But everything around it keeps changing.

The political system that became very good at protecting Vermont from the costs of rapid development has proven much less adept at confronting the costs of too little development.

The unresolved succession has become entangled with another question: whether the institutional and international conflicts of the Lula-Bolsonaro era will survive them as well.

What sort of constituency has become available to Australia's One Nation, and can the party organize that constituency well enough to convert a polling surge into lasting power?

What sort of constituency has become available to Australia's One Nation, and can the party organize that constituency well enough to convert a polling surge into lasting power?

The document represents an effort to present sovereignty as an exercise in competent governance rather than romantic nationalism.

They are two of the world's most successful examples of national sporting institutions developing alongside far larger international competitions.

Political debates begin with the question, "Who should get these expensive things?" Vermont needs to begin one step earlier and ask, "Why is there so little of them?"

Québec's new policy asks a new question: how should it protect its interests when the international system itself has become less stable, less predictable, and increasingly geopolitical?

At first glance, Vermont and Tasmania seem unlikely candidates for comparison. Yet they are strikingly similar in ways that matter politically and economically.

Québec is no longer merely concerned with whether newcomers can learn French. It is increasingly concerned with whether they choose to live their private lives in French.

Canadian teams may be members of these leagues, but the leagues themselves are not Canadian institutions. Their strategic priorities, are shaped by American market realities.

The real question Leo XIV is asking is not whether AI is good or bad. It is whether humanity retains the capacity to govern technological change rather than be governed by it.

The 2026 budget suggests the Albanese government has concluded that the old Howard-era equilibrium is no longer socially sustainable.

For decades, Vermont feared becoming too crowded. Now it increasingly faces the possibility of becoming too old, and too expensive.

A succession of events over the past quarter century has exposed the limits of treating shocks as rare interruptions. They are less exceptional and more structural.

Distance, combined with resource wealth and strategic alignment, has created space, time to adjust, time to delay, and time to avoid hard decisions.

The Catholic Church lives in expectation of Christ’s return, but not to anticipate its timing or to identify its precursors in specific political developments.

Evangelical support for Israel can be both intense but not rooted in shared religious identity.

The return of middle-power diplomacy in a world where stability must be built more actively than it was in the late twentieth century.

The Bill 21 hearings are about whether Canada can continue to function as a multinational federation in which different societies interpret liberal principles in different ways.

The tensions built into resource-based federal systems never fully disappear. The question of whether the bargain is still fair always resurfaces.

The Diocese of Burlington’s predicament is not an isolated ecclesial drama. It is a visible manifestation of Vermont’s demographic arithmetic.

Poilievre has won his party decisively. The harder task is persuading a broadly anti-Trump electorate that Canadian conservatism even wants to defend national sovereignty.

The Australian Right lacks authoritative answers to questions it has not resolved: whether conservatism is primarily about governing competence or cultural confrontation.

This is not populism as tantrum. What is striking about the Alberta Next Panel’s recommendations is how little culture war they actually contain.

This is not a moral critique. It is empirical. An economy can handle aging if it is balanced by a large, stable base of working-age adults. Vermont’s problem is that this balance is breaking down.

Brussels feels like a place where multilingualism has become second nature, not an ideological project but simply how life works.

Belgium is the world's most elaborate exercise in territorial linguistic federalism; Canada is the world's most ambitious experiment in nationwide individual bilingual rights.