iiinova — where your digital self keeps evolving

and from the Hochschule für für nachhaltige Entwicklung Eberswalde @hermannott.bsky.social

Pressure on transitioning away from fossil fuels and halting deforestation needs to be higher at the next COPs. #Counterinstitutionalization necessary - such as the adoption of a #FossilFuelNonProliferationTreaty.

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New 2-year work program on #climatefinance agreed upon, but no scale up of actual disbursed #climatefinance to be expected any time soon.

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#EU (especially #Germany) characterized by #hubris: lobbying internationally for a fossil fuel roadmap while expanding gas capacities domestically.

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None of the great powers acting as #climateleaders. US (not present with a delegation) and oil-producing states act as obstructionist. China still talks as it did in the 1990s, and has not been in the spotlight for an accelerated transition.

Positive outcome: Decision to develop a " #JustTransitionMechanism " (big win for civil society groups) - but much work remains to promote an ambitious just transition both globally and domestically

Contrary to Brazil's stated intentions in 2024, the COP in the Amazon was not a “ #natureCOP ” and thus a missed opportunity to advance the integration of #climate and #biodiversity issues within the UNFCCC.

The" #GlobalImplementationAccelerator " and " #BelémMissionto1.5 " remain unspecified and voluntary. Good to see Colombia, together with the Netherlands, to host the #ConferenceontheJustTransitionAwayfromFossilFuels” in April 2026.

The #roadmaps on ending #deforestation and #transitioningawayfromfossilfuels died along the way. They are expected to be advanced as voluntary initiatives, but past voluntary initiatives have not delivered either (e.g., the 2021 #GlasgowLeadersDeclarationonForestsandLandUse).

The bitter truth is that the outcomes of the Belém COP are highly disappointing and not in line with the challenge of staying within #1.5°C or at least #2°C #globalwarming. Once again no meaningful follow-up on the #GlobalStocktake.

Our assessment of the Hashtag#BelémCOP is now available (wupperinst.org/fa/redaktion...): "The Bitter (COP of) Truth - Belém 2025 climate conference not up to the challenge". Some key #mitigation messages (for more see our report):

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Thanks also to Christiane Beuermann, Wolfgang Obergassel, and Stefan Thomas at the Wuppertal Institut für Klima, Umwelt, Energie gGmbH for allocating time to the revision process

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I would also like to thank Shyamasree Dasgupta and Navroz K. Dubash for hosting me in India, all the interviewees for sharing their insights, and the three anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments.

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Special thanks go to the editors, particularly Dhanasree Jayaram, for leading the Special Issue process, and to everyone who has supported my research over the years, especially Markus Lederer and Thomas Risse. .

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Keywords: Global South, norm interpretations, contestation, counter-proposer, export, reshaper, climate change, REDD+, NAMAs, India

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This research provides insights into the complex dynamics of international norm negotiations between proposers and counter-proposers in the context of the rise of the Global South.

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This increased the resonance of these two norms with the Indian government’s domestic norms, political economy beliefs, international funding desire and collective identity needs.

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By exporting domestic norm interpretations that merged with other norm interpretations from Global North and South countries, the Indian delegation reshaped two international norms at the 2007 Bali Conference that target developing countries’ mitigation efforts and climate action in forests.

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Applying this lens to climate politics, I use triangulated data (incl. expert interviews) to identify domestic factors that explain the Indian government’s behavior.

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Abstract: Recent scholarship highlights Global South countries not only as norm-takers or localizers but also as norm-makers. Contributing to this shift, I conceptualize why these countries contest and lobby for alternative norm interpretations in international negotiations.

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This link will take you to a page that’s not on LinkedIn

Happy to see that the SI on "Locating the ‘Global South’ in Earth System Governance" is available: lnkd.in/esACVWfA I contributed a paper on "Exporting norm interpretations from the Global South: Explaining India's reasons for contesting and reshaping international climate norms" lnkd.in/eUQAUhNd.

lnkd.in

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We will draw conclusions to inform the next round of internationally supported just transition approaches.

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In the #ExpertExchange, we will examine different dimensions of #JustTransitions (procedural, recognition, distributive, restorative, cosmopolitan, intergenerational) and investigate the progress and the challenges that the JETPs face in both countries.

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Content: The implementation of Just Energy Transition Partnerships across various nations has faced multi-dimensional challenges. Reflecting on these challenges is essential to optimizing future efforts in facilitating internationally supported just transitions - #JTPs.

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Expert Exchange: Multi-dimensional aspects of internationally-supported just transitions – The case of JETPs in Indonesia and South Africa - IISD

Join us for our webinar on the #JETPs with #SouthAfrica (Sam Ashman-Wits University, Joan Stott-Institute for Economic Justice) and #Indonesia (Chris Höhne-Wuppertal Institute, Bhima Yudhistira-CELIOS). Register here for the October 29 event (10-11:30am, CET): www.jetknowledge.org/events/exper....

jetknowledge.org

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Reposted by Chris Höhne

ACCLIMATE @acclimateproject.bsky.social · 09/05/2025

🚀🌍 The ACCLIMATE Project has officially launched! Our consortium met in @wuppertalinstitut.bsky.social, to kick off this Horizon Europe project, accelerating #climate_action & building a #low-emissions, #climate-resilient future 🍃🌱 Stay tuned! #ACCLIMATEproject #Sustainability

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Reposted by Chris Höhne

Wolfgang Obergassel @obergassel.bsky.social · 28/11/2024

Our annual @wuppertalinstitut.bsky.social #COP report is out. This year it's called "Not a 'Gift from God'" for obvious reasons. It is available at wupperinst.org/en/a/wi/a/s/.... Key findings include:

COP29: Not a "Gift from God"

Wuppertal Institute publishes initial assessment of COP29 in Baku – a setback was avoided barely

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Finally, we thank Thomas Risse and our excellent research assistants Myrodis Athanassiou, Sarah Hechler, Maren Lorenzen-Fischer, and Kristina J. Schmidt. For more information on our research project (funded by DFG), see transnorms.eu

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Thanks to the editorial team & reviewers @GEP & to @paucastro.bsky.social, Alvine Datchoua, Nicole Doerr, Harald Fuhr, Anna Fünfgeld, Aarti Gupta, Carola Klöck, Markus Lederer,@maxlesch.bsky.social, Jens Marquardt, @mjph.bsky.social, Jens Steffek,@antjewiener.bsky.social, & Jan Wilkens for comments.

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To conclude, our analysis points to potential avenues for long-term changes of the norm bundle itself and provides indications for future state behavior. The paper is available here: doi.org/10.1162/glep... Looking forward to the 3rd NDCs in 2025!

Second, interlinkages with the human rights regime point to successful transnational socialization in democratic states. This suggests an overall synergistic relationship between the regimes, when tailormade social interventions on climate change are envisioned.

We additionally make sense of the two innovative changes: First, the low-carbon economy discourse seems to be driven by competition in higher income countries. This discursive pathway to a low-carbon transition may open up opportunities for actors pushing for decarbonization.

Yet, the formerly strict divide appears to become blurrier in the 2nd NDCs. Emerging & industrialized economies (Umbrella, EU, BASIC) present plans for green growth. In contrast, developing countries with lower income (LDCs) emphasize conventional growth plans to combat poverty.

When states prioritize some norms over others, this continues to align with the annex divide despite the Paris Agreement’s decreasing differentiation, reflecting differences in domestic circumstances (e.g, vulnerability, income).

Overall, countries’ pledges rely on UNFCCC’s norms, indicating the stability of the liberal order. It thus seems unlikely that radical approaches to climate mitigation will shape policies any time soon.

We then link these (inductively identified) topics to the norms derived from the UNFCCC and compare the respective topics of 1st and 2nd NDCs to look for continuity and change.

We use quantitative text analysis (topic modeling) to map the topics states address in their 1st and 2nd NDCs. Words that show up together in docs are grouped, allowing us to assign labels based on keywords and a qualitative assessment of texts. #textasdata.

We study the changes in how states translate the norms embedded in @UNFCCC in their climate policy pledges, comparing 1st NDCs (from 2015-16) with 2nd NDCs (2020-21). We find many similarities, but two innovations stand out in the second NDCs: Low-carbon economy & human rights!

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📣🔔 +++ New paper +++ @mathislohaus.bsky.social, Christian Kahmann, and I have a new piece in Global Environmental Politics: “Continuity and Change in Norm Translations After the Paris Agreement: From First to Second Nationally Determined Contributions”. doi.org/10.1162/glep... (online first)

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We then link these (inductively identified) topics to the norms derived from the UNFCCC and compare the respective topics of 1st and 2nd NDCs to look for continuity and change.

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