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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 06/10/2026

Can workplace democracy exist in practice or do democratic organisations inevitably devolve into new hierarchies? @timchristiaens.bsky.social argues channels for plebeian contestation from below are needed to withhold the formation of new hierarchies. OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/c0RacFk #polsky #polsci

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Plebeian cooperativism: Reconciling workplace democracy with the iron law of oligarchy - Tim Christiaens, 2026

Worker cooperatives are often lauded as the ideal institutional form of workplace democracy. While the traditional firm subjects workers to hierarchical authori...

062

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 05/10/2026

How do opposition parties become viable under dominant-party rule? Nur Sinem Kourou & Ahmet Cemal Ertürk examine Turkey’s CHP, arguing “transformative accumulation” builds capacity through ideology, leadership and organisation. Read more: buff.ly/1IVW6fl @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
How do opposition parties become viable alternatives under dominant-party rule? Existing studies often attribute opposition change to electoral shocks or short-term campaign strategies, offering limited insight into how governing capacity is constructed under asymmetric political conditions. This article introduces the concept of transformative accumulation to analyze the recent trajectory of Turkey’s Republican People’s Party under the long-standing dominance of the Justice and Development Party. Drawing on 13 elite-level interviews with incumbent and former party officials, campaign consultants, and local leaders, the study identifies three interwoven narratives—ideological, institutional, and leadership—that structure this transformation. It shows how the Republican People’s Party recalibrated its ideological appeal, adopted a more inclusive leadership model, and strengthened its administrative and communicative capacities despite persistent institutional constraints. While acknowledging the continued structural advantages enjoyed by the Justice and Development Party, the article demonstrates how opposition parties can reposition themselves as viable alternatives within competitive authoritarian regimes. Conceptually, it shifts the analysis of opposition politics away from episodic electoral moments toward a process-based framework for studying opposition agency under dominant-party rule.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 04/10/2026

Can polarized politics still share an issue agenda? @mathiastromborg.bsky.social and Carsten Jensen examine the 2020 US election, finding major political actors generally agreed on the most important issues. Read more: buff.ly/iALWctr @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #USPolitics

Abstract
American voters, politicians, and media are increasingly hostile toward out-partisans and frequently disagree about the content of policies. This development raises an even more fundamental question about the nature of politics in highly polarized societies: Can the political actors even agree on what issues to disagree about, and why? To answer this critical question, we generate a massive new dataset covering communication by key actors from the last 2 months of the 2020 US Presidential election, including the presidential candidates (all tweets by Donald Trump and Joe Biden), the main news organizations (CNN and Fox News), and a large and original voter survey (N ~ 24,000) with daily representative data. Surprisingly, we find that the patterns of agenda setting in the 2020 election reduced rather than fueled agenda diversity and that the major political actors generally agreed on what the most important issues were in this otherwise polarized election.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 03/10/2026

What does it mean to place yourself on the left or right? @joelletasker.bsky.social examines 2014-2024 UK panel data, finding economic and cultural values both matter, with culture increasingly important. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/VJulLCc @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #UKPolitics

Abstract
Understanding how voters use the left-right scale is essential, as it is not only related to vote choice but also underpins how political scientists study ideology. This article finds that the way voters use the left-right scale is variable. Using British Election Study Internet Panel data from 2014 to 2024, I find that while economic and cultural values are both related to left-right self-placement, this varies both between individuals and over time. Those on the left of the self-placement scale can best be differentiated from one another by the strength of their economic values. For those on the right, cultural values are more useful in separating between different self-placement levels. Over time, left-right self-placement has become increasingly related to cultural values alongside economic values, driven by movements by people on both sides of the left-right scale. These findings indicate that even within one country, the meanings of ‘left’ and ‘right’ vary.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 03/10/2026

How much more complicated does government formation get when one more party enters parliament? Chris Hanretty (@chanret.bsky.social) finds identifiability declines as parties increase, with no "sweet spots". Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/EPcxz0X @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #PartySystems

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022

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 01/10/2026

Do parties shape climate funds? Soham Banerjee, Dishil Shrimankar & Matthew Paterson find projects favour the PM’s allies in competitive constituencies in opposition-governed states. Read more: buff.ly/p5i1IMz @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ClimatePolicy

Abstract
Do political parties shape where International Climate Funds are allocated? We examine this question in the context of India, where International Climate Funds create opportunities for the central government to leverage externally funded resources to advance domestic political interests. Drawing on a novel geo-coded dataset of project locations from the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism, we show that projects are more likely to be allocated to constituencies represented by co-partisans of the Prime Minister’s party, and that this effect is strongest in competitive constituencies within states governed by opposition parties, where the central government has the sharpest incentives to build new support. This is surprising because existing literature on the Clean Development Mechanism suggests that decisions on project allocations are depoliticized. By demonstrating otherwise, this article contributes to the literature on International Climate Funds by demonstrating the importance of domestic politics in shaping its distribution.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 01/10/2026

Election is no guarantee a politician is viewed as an adequate representative - Hendriks & Saward capture how contemporary elected representatives & their teams invest heavily in backstage efforts to show their capacity to represent. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/tHXGHqD @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

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022

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 30/09/2026

Does radical right success change attitudes or the local climate? Stefan Dahlberg, @hilmal.bsky.social & @polhosc.bsky.social examine Sweden, finding contextual alignment, not persuasion. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/rI91be4 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #RadicalRight

"Abstract
Electoral success of radical right parties is often argued to normalize previously stigmatized anti-immigration attitudes. Yet, it remains unclear whether such normalization reflects genuine within-individual persuasion or shifts in the local climate of political expression. We address this question by linking highly disaggregated district-level vote shares to individual-level panel survey data from Sweden (2018–2022), a period marked by sustained growth and partial normalization of the Sweden Democrats. Cross-sectional analyses reveal pronounced contextual patterns: Restrictive immigration attitudes are more prevalent in districts with higher local radical right support, particularly among voters who do not support the party, while core supporters remain comparatively stable. However, first-difference panel analyses provide little evidence that changes in local radical right support are associated with attitudinal change. The findings suggest that what appears as normalization in ecological analyses is more consistent with contextual alignment than with rapid persuasion, clarifying the micro-foundations of radical right normalization."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 29/09/2026

When conflict forces people from their homes, does it change how they vote? @galbitton.bsky.social finds that displaced residents shift rightward in their political identity, but don't change their vote. Read more: buff.ly/Qv5xJMw @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #researchnote #ConflictPolitics

Abstract
Does exposure to conflict displacement amplify support for far-right parties? This study investigates the political consequences of conflict-induced displacement in northern Israel by exploiting a natural experiment arising from government-ordered evacuations during military conflicts. Using a pre-registered survey and a regression discontinuity design based on an exogenous 5 km threshold, I assess changes in retrospective and prospective voting behavior as well as self-reported political ideology. The analysis reveals no evidence that displacement increases far-right support or induces partisan realignment. Rather, evacuees demonstrate a modest rightward shift in ideological self-placement without corresponding changes in voting behavior. This divergence suggests that displacement influences symbolic political positioning without prompting corresponding changes in voting behavior. These patterns unfold against a broader backdrop of political frustration and electoral disengagement that affects both displaced and non-displaced populations. The findings reveal troubling implications for democratic accountability during external conflict: leaders may be shielded from electoral consequences of security failures even as civic engagement deteriorates, challenging models of wartime accountability.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 29/09/2026

Greenwashing doesn't just mislead consumers. It corrupts democratic rhetoric, letting corporations pose as agents of political change. Our everyday language helps make that possible. Corrado Fumagalli argues we have a duty to counter-frame in ordinary conversations: buff.ly/JNSnFiW #polsky #polsci

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022

Reposted by Political Studies

Dieter Stiers @dieterstiers.bsky.social · 28/09/2026

Spatial and valence models are the theoretical workhorses in electoral research, but what matters most to voters: ideological proximity or party competence? @annkristinkolln.bsky.social and I found out in @polstudies.bsky.social journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/... Turns out: it's valence!

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121

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 28/09/2026

Can youth volunteering reduce class-based gaps in voting? @clarawe.bsky.social & @leoazzollini.bsky.social find volunteering nearly closes the participation gap linked to social origin, especially for blue-collar working-class children. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/3MYAfvU @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

"Abstract
Differences in political participation between social classes are well documented, yet less is known about the mechanisms that may reduce these gaps. This article adopts a life-course perspective to investigate whether youth volunteering can mitigate class-based inequalities in electoral participation. Using longitudinal data from Germany, we analyse how class of origin affects voting for the newly enfranchised, how volunteering influences turnout, and how both factors interact. Our findings show that, while individuals from working-class backgrounds are less likely to vote and youth volunteering increases electoral participation for all, volunteering during youth nearly closes the participation gap linked to social origin and uplifts specifically blue-collar working-class children’s electoral participation. These results suggest that voluntary engagement in youth can serve as a “school of democracy,” reducing class-based inequalities in political participation starting at an early age, which remain persistent otherwise."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 28/09/2026

Should EU migrants receive equal welfare treatment? Pietro Intropi examines reciprocity in EU law, arguing rights and contributive duties vary by migrants’ contributions and the justice of the host state. Read more: buff.ly/O7Foc1b @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

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112

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 27/09/2026

Why do senators respond differently to China trade shocks? @weitianliu.bsky.social finds Democrats became critical as import exposure rose, while Republicans responded less. Read more: buff.ly/khjZ0Tu @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

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022

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 26/09/2026

Why do governments prevent crime in some places but neglect others? @juangelvezf.bsky.social examines Colombia, finding incumbents direct crime prevention funds to electorally competitive municipalities, boosting subsequent votes for the incumbent coalition. Read more: buff.ly/6ruEjgq #polsci

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011

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 25/09/2026

Abstract
Worker cooperatives are often lauded as the ideal institutional form of workplace democracy. While the traditional firm subjects workers to hierarchical authority, cooperatives establish workers as owners and managers of their own venture. However, since 1911 Robert Michels popularised the phrase of an “iron law of oligarchy” to argue how nominally democratic institutions, like worker cooperatives, often fall back into hierarchical patterns. I claim that this criticism against workplace democracy is based on a misreading of Michels’ philosophy and a misrepresentation of today’s empirical research on cooperative management. Both present worker cooperatives as hybrid institutions torn between oligarchic and democratic pulls. By counterbalancing tendencies towards a concentration of power at the top with countervailing institutions that help rank-and-file workers contest managerial decision-making, worker cooperatives can safeguard themselves against degeneration and the iron law of oligarchy. This proposal of instituting workplace democracy through constant anti-hierarchical conflict, I call “plebeian cooperativism."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 24/09/2026

Can social media enable popular counter-power while reinforcing elite influence? @absander.bsky.social examines #saccageparis, finding its digital tactics gave citizens a tribunate role despite its non-popular composition. OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/2z1TPOo @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

"Abstract
This article argues that the case of an idiosyncratic digital movement in Paris—#saccageparis—has much to contribute to recent debates around social media’s democratic potential. #saccageparis leaders paint themselves as contemporary tribunes of the plebs, a permanent counter-power representing the “small people” of Paris against the municipality. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, I examine in this article such claim. On the one hand, Twitter’s affordances enabled ordinary citizens to gain some of the attributes of a popular tribunate standing up to power while, on the other hand, the movement only gained this foothold because it was not itself popular. #saccageparis’s composition therefore contradicts its tactics, and the movement is best described as “bourgeois populism.” This case shows us how social media’s populist affordances can be exploited by elites and, as a result, offers precious insights for those interested in rescuing social media’s radical-democratic possibilities from elite capture."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 23/09/2026

Who supports martial law in a democracy? Brandon Beomseob Park & Inkwan Chung examine South Korea, finding affective polarization drives support for executive overreach. Read more: buff.ly/63rPmga @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #AffectivePolarization #ResearchNote

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 22/09/2026

Should we exaggerate support for #democracy to save it? Maxime Lepoutre examines the dilemma of affirming democracy during democratic backsliding. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/f0fAwu0 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ethics

"Abstract
Democracies around the world have increasingly faced concerted efforts to dismantle democratic institutions. How should public speakers respond to such attempts at democratic backsliding? A widespread rhetorical strategy is to affirm democracy—that is, to publicly invoke the value of democracy and vigorously insist on the need to defend it. I argue that this practice gives rise to an underappreciated democratic dilemma. On one hand, distinctive features of the backsliding process seemingly require us to affirm democracy. Yet, on the other hand, this practice also poses serious dangers for democracy. For one, it risks accelerating democratic erosion. Moreover, efforts to limit this risk seemingly violate democratic requirements of truthfulness. So, both affirming democracy and failing to do so involve significant democratic pitfalls. The best way to navigate this dilemma, I contend, is not to forgo affirming democracy. Instead, it is to do so in a way that emphasises elites’ concrete attacks on democracy, while insisting that most people are strongly committed to democracy. While this approach may indeed involve some deception—insofar as it may knowingly overstate support for democracy—this is often all-things-considered justified."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 22/09/2026

Who decides the constitutional future of Scotland & the UK? @meineanna.bsky.social proposes a democratic reading of constituent power, tracks changes in constituent collectives & maps monist vs. pluralist trajectories for the Union. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/mHhLCgA @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

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Joelle Tasker @joelletasker.bsky.social · 17/09/2026

Exciting to see my first thesis paper in @polstudies.bsky.social! In this article I explore how economic versus cultural values predict left-right self-placement in the UK over the last 10 years, and how this looks different for those identifying on the left versus right. doi.org/10.1177/0032...

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1198

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 21/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How does republican theory reimagine economic freedom? Sean Irving explores John Francis Bray’s economic republicanism and its implications for markets and justice. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/a4aGPuz @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
In recent years political theorists have applied republican ideas to considerations of economic freedom. The development of a distinct socialist republicanism has been one strand of this literature, while another has claimed the centrality of a free market to freedom understood in republican terms. Revisiting the work of John Francis Bray (1809–1897) can point us beyond these binaries. Bray applied republican ideas, developed in the register of constitutionalism, to issues of exchange and production. He did not, however, do so in the name of the free market or of socialism. Rather, his concern was to create a system of popular economic self-government. Doing so, Bray believed, would involve a combination of markets and economic democracy, involving worker cooperatives and indicative economic planning. In Bray’s work, we find an economic republicanism which, out of a concern to establish popular economic self-government, combined elements of what have become two distinct camps.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 20/09/2026

"Abstract
Government identifiability – the degree to which the party composition of the eventual government can be predicted given the election results – is a desirable characteristic of a political system. But the measurement of identifiability has remained impressionistic, limiting our ability to speak precisely about trade-offs between identifiability and other characteristics of the political system. I show that a recent measure of bargaining complexity by Cronert and Nyman acts as a ratio-level measure of government identifiability measured in bits – or equivalently, the number of yes/no questions needed to identify the composition of the government. I then show how identifiability is linearly related to the number of seat-winning parties in three different contexts: parliamentary governments, presidential cabinets, and municipal governments. Across all three contexts, an additional seat-winning party increases entropy of government formation by between 0.7 and 0.8 bits. Since identifiability is linearly related to the number of parties, any increase in the number of parties through electoral reform will worsen identifiability by the same amount. Conversely, there are no “sweet spots” where we can achieve high levels of identifiability at low cost in terms of the number of parties."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 20/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Polarized attitudes and anti-democratic orientation in the US - Ariel Malka, Christopher M Federico, Thomas H Costello & Adam R Panish examine paradoxical partisan asymmetries in current democratic attitudes. Read more: buff.ly/dVEZQr8 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsci #polsky

Abstract
Influential perspectives on polarization in the United States imply that partisans will be more willing to degrade democracy when they are ideologically aligned with their own party and negatively oriented toward the opposing party. But psychological accounts of political ideology suggest that conservatives will be especially anti-democratic regardless of partisanship. Integrating insights from these areas, we argue that there are reasons to expect paradoxical partisan asymmetries in the ideological correlates of democratic attitudes. Across numerous surveys we find that cultural conservatism and out-party favorability are reliably associated with anti-democratic orientation among Democrats (but not Republicans), while left-leaning economic attitudes are reliably associated with anti-democratic orientation among Republicans (but not Democrats). These findings provide context for understanding how polarization might impact American democracy. They also suggest that increased centrality of sociocultural conflict and Republican cultivation of a right-wing populist reputation might sort anti-democratic Americans into the Republican Party.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 19/09/2026

Does ideological congruence or perceived competence matter more for vote choice? @dieterstiers.bsky.social & @annkristinkolln.bsky.social argue both matter, but valence consistently outweighs spatial considerations. Read more: buff.ly/J3cy21u @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Rational choice theories offer one of the major explanations for citizens’ voting behavior. The most prominent models within the rational choice framework – spatial and valence voting – share the same roots but differ in central aspects, emphasizing ideological congruence and competence evaluations, respectively. In this note, we provide a direct test of the models’ relative strength. Does a party’s issue congruence with a voter (spatial) or its effectiveness in handling important issues (valence) have a larger effect on vote choice? Our results from lab-like conditions using a novel conjoint experiment show strong evidence for both models, but valence evaluations consistently trump spatial considerations. These results have important implications for research on electoral behavior, party politics, and democratic representation.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 19/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How do populist citizens understand democracy? Patricia Rehus & @steven-vanhauwaert.bsky.social find they tend to support direct democracy & are less supportive of liberal principles. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/XhXgcjl @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Populist leaders often describe democracy as being in conflict with liberal values and endorse more direct democratic measures for people to influence politics. But what about populist citizens? How do they define democracy and what aspects of democracy do they value most? Using a cross-national survey of 10 West European countries, we first explore how citizens understand democracy in general and then test the assumption that populist citizens share a different understanding of democracy to both populist elites and less-populist individuals. Our findings show that citizens’ conceptions of democracy do not exactly match scholarly models, but are still clearly structured. We also find that populist citizens tend to support direct democracy and are less supportive of liberal principles, primarily because they are less likely to support the protection of minorities. They remain, however, equally supportive of other institutions of electoral and liberal democracy. Similarly, our results show that populist individuals are not especially more or less supportive of egalitarian and authoritarian understandings of democracy. That said, they are more comfortable with the idea of having strong leaders than their less populist counterparts. These results have important implications for democratic resilience. Policy-makers aiming to strengthen liberal democracy must address citizens’ concerns about representation without compromising core democratic safeguards. Understanding these tensions can help guide more inclusive democratic reforms and better communication between political institutions and the public.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 18/09/2026

Abstract
The work of being an elected representative today is increasingly demanding as they seek to perform representation amid political distrust, polarised electorates, and rising populism. In response, elected representatives and their teams invest heavily in developing and showcasing their capacities to represent. This variously involves constructing representative personas, designing participatory events, curating diverse digital content, and communicating evidence on how and where they are representing. Extending Saward’s representative claim-making framework, this article develops the concept of representative-capacity-making to better understand this overlooked (‘backstage’) aspect of modern representation. The article explores – in concept only – the work involved in developing and demonstrating four key representative capacities. The normative implications of representative-capacity-making in an era of democratic strain are considered. While representative-capacity-making can be read as a response to the challenges of democratic representation today, the extent to which it can be a solution is mixed, in specified ways.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 18/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Politicized pejoration - @erikbleich.bsky.social, Husam AlZubaidy, Andrey Cao, Abigail Chang, Nikki Sadat, Abby Ward & A Maurits van der Veen develop the concept through a case study of the term “woke” in the US. Read more: buff.ly/lqoCtN7 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Politicized semantic change occurs when ideological actors strategically alter the meaning of existing terms to undermine opponents and to strengthen allies. We develop the concept of politicized pejoration through a case study of the term “woke” in the United States. This word originated in the US Black community as an encouragement to stay aware of social and racial injustices; it was subsequently transformed by the political right to indicate what it perceived as the left’s hypersensitivity and oppressive tendencies. We illustrate the process of pejoration by tracking usage of “woke” in mainstream media outlets, on Twitter and in Google searches from 2010 through 2022, combining quantitative text-as-data analyses with qualitative readings of media stories. Conceptualizing politicized pejoration as a form of politicized semantic change extends scholarly and public understanding of the politics of language.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 17/09/2026

Why can sexism remain invisible to women candidates who experience it? @clemencedeswert.bsky.social, @robindevroe.bsky.social, @elisestorme.bsky.social & @emilievh.bsky.social identify 7 mechanisms disconnecting it from candidates’ experiences. More: buff.ly/fyJcJzV @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 17/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How do non-party actors view far-right parties in Australia? @imogenrichards.bsky.social, Callum Jones, Jordan McSwiney & @kurtsengul.bsky.social explore perceptions & relationships within the far-right ecosystem beyond formal politics.Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/uxTW0e3 #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Far-right political parties form an integral component of the broader far-right landscape globally. While these parties have received extensive scholarly attention, less is known about how they are perceived within the wider far-right milieu – a relationship with significant implications for understanding movement-party dynamics in contemporary democracies. This article investigates the relationship between far-right political parties and the non-party sector through a mixed-methods approach, combining keyword frequency analysis, sentiment analysis, and qualitative content analysis. Drawing on large-scale data sets from Telegram, X (formerly Twitter), 8kun, and far-right alternative media outlets in Australia, we explore two key research questions: How does the non-party sector perceive far-right parties and politicians? And what role do these parties play within the broader far-right ecosystem? Our findings reveal a complex and often contradictory relationship, with non-party actors expressing views that reflect deeper ideological, organisational, and strategic divisions within far-right movements. These patterns of conditional support, strategic adaptation, and ideological tension offer insights applicable beyond Australia, contributing to theoretical understanding of how extra-parliamentary actors evaluate electoral politics across democratic settings.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 16/09/2026

"Abstract
Normative research on greenwashing has largely focused on the environmental and economic consequences of false or misleading green claims. This article introduces a new perspective that sheds light on its democratic costs. First, I argue that by interfering with the transmission of a public political culture through deceptive claims, greenwashing constitutes a particularly problematic form of corporate capture of democratic rhetoric. I further contend that greenwashing should also be examined against ordinary patterns of language use, given their capacity to shape the range of communicative possibilities available. At the normative level, I then defend a duty to counter-frame: a duty of ordinary citizens to play their part in avoiding reinforcing the communicative conditions that facilitate corporate capture of public rhetoric. This duty aims to initiate processes of reciprocal reason-giving about responsible language use within everyday conversations."

052

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 16/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How does internal migration affect political life in autocracies? Yuequan Guo & Jiannan Zhao examine how returning migrants in China show higher political efficacy & shifted forms of participation. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/6pRihmv @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
How is internal migration related to political efficacy and participation in autocracies? Existing research emphasizes migration’s socioeconomic impact, given the staggering internal migration volume in developing countries, but pays inadequate attention to its relationship with politics. We argue that migrants are more likely to interact with the government and possess greater political efficacy than non-migrants. When migrants return home, they are motivated by higher political efficacy to participate more in politics than non-migrants. We test the theory using four nationally representative surveys in China from 2006 to 2014 and find that returning migrants are more confident in understanding and influencing politics. However, they vote less in elections and avoid challenging the government collectively. Exploratory analysis shows that the counterintuitive results arise because returning migrants shift from traditional political participation, like voting, to new means, like lodging complaints online. The relationship between migration and politics is contingent on the authoritarian context.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 15/09/2026

"Abstract
Should all European Union (EU) citizens enjoy the same welfare benefits as nationals when they migrate within Europe? Which categories of EU migrants (workers, job-seekers and non-economically active ones) should be entitled to full equal treatment? I discuss reciprocity as a moral basis of EU law, extending White’s account of fair reciprocity to the supranational context of the EU. I suggest that the concept of workers in EU law should be reformed to account for a plurality of valuable contributions. I also discuss the implications of reciprocity in non-ideal conditions, arguing that EU migrants have a reduced contributive obligation when they face injustice in the host member state. The seriousness of such injustice may even imply lifting the contributive obligation entirely. The contributive obligation of non-economically active individuals is a duty to seek work, and I suggest it entitles them to limited equal treatment."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 15/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Does polarization increase violence toward political candidates? Morten Harmening & @donyhu.bsky.social examine how ideological divides fuel aggression in democratic elections. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/hoXcA8B @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #germany

Abstract
Political violence is on the rise in Western democracies. The increase in violence against political actors is alarming because it clashes with fundamental democratic values. Political violence is also concerning because it does not affect all politicians equally. Existing research has primarily focused on the demographic characteristics of targeted politicians, while largely overlooking ideological factors. Using candidate survey data from the 2021 German federal election, we show that the polarization of electoral districts, as well as party and candidate extremeness increase the likelihood that politicians report being victimized. This is the case both for physical attacks and property damage.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 14/09/2026

"Abstract
Trade among major powers is never purely economic; it is also a site of political conflict over blame, threat, and national interest. Why, then, do legislators facing similar trade shocks respond in such different ways? Focusing on US Senate rhetoric on trade with China between 2009 and 2023, this paper examines how partisanship conditions the translation of economic disruption into elite political speech. Drawing on sentiment analysis of Senate floor speeches and state-level measures of Chinese import exposure across two periods, it develops a partisan-conditioning argument: trade disruption acquires political meaning as parties interpret it. Democratic senators grew markedly more critical as local import exposure increased, especially under the earlier China Shock window. Republicans showed a much flatter response to early-period exposure and even a slightly positive association with later-period penetration. The China Shock left a durable mark on Senate discourse, but one structured by party, not geography alone."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 14/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Should political parties pick their parliamentary candidates by lottery among members? William Bosworth, Keith Dowding & Adriano Giuliani examine sortition within parties as a guard against elite capture while preserving deliberation. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/YcMEp7o #polsky #polsci

Abstract
We argue political parties should select their parliamentary candidates by way of a lottery among their members. Alternatives such as party primaries, caucus votes, and elite selection create entry points for elite manipulation of the electoral process. While sortition for selecting parliaments directly has been said to control for elite capture, it is also likely to dissolve political parties and established voting blocs within parliament. This would undermine the democratic ideal of political parties, including their role in producing and implementing comprehensible legislative agendas. Sortition within parties, however, will not have that effect. Rather it promotes the democratic ideal by guarding against elite capture and stimulating internal deliberation in a feasible way. Voting will still weed out poor candidates in the general election. Party members should also be able to vote to retain successful lottery winners for subsequent elections to incentivize good performance and party discipline in parliament. We discuss the limited use of insaculación by the Mexican political party Morena as provisional evidence for the feasibility of our proposal.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 13/09/2026

"Abstract
Why do governments prevent crime in some places while neglecting others? Crime prevention policies are often viewed as too slow, diffuse, and politically intangible to generate electoral rewards. When implemented, existing research suggests they primarily serve to reward co-partisans or mobilize ideologically aligned voters. This article challenges that view by arguing that incumbents allocate crime prevention resources to electorally competitive municipalities because these investments yield electoral returns. Using detailed project-level data from Colombia, I show that national incumbents disproportionately direct crime prevention funds to municipalities where recent presidential elections were closely contested, rather than to areas with higher crime rates or strong partisan loyalties. I then show that these allocations increase the vote share of the right-wing incumbent coalition in subsequent elections. Drawing on quantitative analyses and interviews with policymakers and bureaucrats, I argue that these effects operate primarily through the visibility and attribution of crime prevention projects, particularly those aligned with right-wing issue ownership of public security."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 13/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: In what senses might body counts be, paradoxically, both humanizing and dehumanizing? @moyalloyd.bsky.social explores the role that orders of grievability play in determining whose lives are counted & how. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/xwx8g2w @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
This paper is concerned with a conundrum: the contention that the dead are dehumanized both through body counts and their absence. To understand this paradox we need to excavate who normatively speaking has a life that counts. I advance the idea of countability as a novel explanatory concept to name the general conditions of possibility, including the ordering of grievability, that underpins acts of counting. Among other things, orders of grievability regulate who enjoys ontological status as fully human. To be eligible for counting an embodied being must first be countable. Furthermore, body counts are performative. They have onto-political effects, organizing and facilitating, reflecting and reiterating, the differential valuation of human lives as well as the distribution of ontological possibilities. The failure or refusal to count has parallel onto-political effects. (De)humanization, however, is not just an issue of whether deaths are counted but, as shown here, how they are counted.

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 12/09/2026

Does family background shape adolescents’ political trust more than schools? @gdagostino.bsky.social examines institutional performance, finding its link to trust is stronger among adolescents with higher parental socio-economic status. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/qy7FwRb @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

"Abstract
Democratic accountability requires citizens’ political trust to reflect institutional performance, making it crucial to understand what fosters such responsiveness. While existing studies suggest that education shapes evaluative attitudes, direct evidence remains limited because many analyses struggle to separate educational effects from those of parental background. This paper offers a comprehensive test of these explanations by examining adolescents within the same target grade and by assessing school-level civic education characteristics often credited with cultivating critical citizenship norms. It then compares school-level patterns with parental background to evaluate the proxy-versus-cause debate. Using data from three waves of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, the analysis shows that structurally low and declining institutional performance depresses political trust among adolescents. However, consistent with the education-as-proxy argument, the positive association between performance and trust is significantly stronger among adolescents with higher parental socio-economic status, while school-level civic education shows no meaningful moderating effect."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 12/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: Is it rational to expect to win elections? @mbarnfield.bsky.social argues so-called "wishful thinking" about election outcomes is part of how voters make rational sense of their role in democracies. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/FGqoGEO @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
It is well established in political science that those who favour an election outcome tend to say it has a higher chance of success than those who oppose it. This tendency towards so-called ‘wishful thinking’ is often treated as a problem for democracy because it shows that voters are, as the term suggests, irrational. In this article, I make the case that partisan electoral expectations are significant not because they demonstrate widespread irrationality, but because they show how voters make sense of their role in democracies. I provide an alternative account of partisan electoral expectations as following a principle of electoral hope. On this account, partisan electoral expectations are rational in a practical, if not necessarily theoretical, sense.

033

Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 11/09/2026

Does the level of government shape political trust and compliance? Susan Banducci, @l-horvath.bsky.social & Daniel Stevens argue local trust influences prosocial behaviour, unlike national trust. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/RgZMQ5R @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #PoliticalTrust

"Abstract
According to Tang and Huhe, individuals “are nested in a multiplicity of governments,” including national and local governments, “and . . . constantly find themselves in variant relationships with government at different levels”. Yet, previous research has mostly concentrated on individuals’ assessments of national governments, or supranational organizations such as the European Union, overlooking assessments of local governments and their effects. To address this, we fielded a four-wave survey in England in 2020–2021 capturing local and national government trust, as well as contemporaneous indicators of performance across these levels of government. Disaggregating between- and within-individual explanations for variation, we find distinct influences on trust in national and local government, and that trust in local government exerts an influence on pro-social behaviour whereas national government trust does not. Importantly, for future research on political trust, our findings show that the level of government matters for both the drivers and consequences of political trust."

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Political Studies @polstudies.bsky.social · 11/09/2026

IN NEW ISSUE: How do people adapt to sanctions in authoritarian contexts? Yechan Moon & Taehee Whang show informal economies in North Korea expand where sanctions hit hardest. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/vblP2x5 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
How do people in authoritarian regimes adapt to external economic pressure? We examine how economic sanctions affect informal economic activity in North Korea. Using county-level data from 167 regions for the years 2016, 2018, and 2022, we find that informal economic activity significantly expanded in areas most affected by sanctions, particularly those reliant on heavy industry such as primary metals, machinery, and transportation. These bottom-up adaptations illustrate how citizens, rather than the state, absorb the shocks of international pressure. By tracing micro-level adjustments over time, our study sheds light on the uneven and indirect effects of sanctions in targeted countries. The findings highlight the need for more strategic, sector-sensitive sanction design and contribute to broader debates on the effectiveness of economic sanctions, authoritarian resilience, and economic coping mechanisms under constraint.

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