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Volokh Conspiracy

@volokhc.bsky.social
1.8K followers 14 following 4.9K posts

Law professors blogging since 2002 -- independent until 2014, hosted at Washington Post 2014-17, hosted at Reason 2017-now

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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 43m
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[Josh Blackman] How Would A Judge Butler Actually Affect The Fifth Circuit?
I would prefer Judge Southwick to have one vote rather than two votes.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 2h
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[Josh Blackman] Todd Butler Compared Street Preacher In Supreme Court Case To "Domestic Terrorism"
The case was a dry dispute about jurisdiction. There was no reason to impugn the preacher's faith.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 3h
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[Eugene Volokh] Red Mass Explosive Man Asked S. Ct. to "Remove Arizona from the United States" and "Declare It a 'Foreign Enemy'"
From a Justice Department press release Monday: Louis Geri, 42, of Vineland, New Jersey, was sentenced today in U.S. District Court to 70 months in prison in connection with threatening to detonate more than 100 homemade explosive devices on the steps of St. Matthew's Cathedral during the annual Red Mass attended by U.S. Supreme Court Justices and other senior government officials, announced U.S. Attorney Jeanine Ferris Pirro. Geri pleaded guilty March 5 before Judge Randolph M. Moss to a count of Hobbs Act extortion by wrongful use of force, violence, or fear, and to a count of possession of an unregistered firearm (destructive device)…. According to the plea agreement, on the evening of Oct. 4, 2025, Geri rode his motorcycle to St. Matthew's Cathedral, on the 1700 block of Rhode Island Ave. NW, and erected a tent on the church's front steps. Inside the tent, he assembled more than 100 explosive devices he had manufactured from materials—including nitromethane, magnesium, charcoal, and thermite—purchased in Arkansas and assembled in Virginia. He also carried a nine-page list of written demands. The Red Mass, a high-profile annual religious ceremony attended by members of the Supreme Court, Cabinet, Congress, and the diplomatic corps, was scheduled at the cathedral for the following morning. About 5 a.m. on Oct. 5, 2025, Metropolitan Police Department officers approached Geri's tent while patrolling the area before the service. When officers told him he would need to move, Geri refused and threatened to throw one of his explosive devices into the street to demonstrate its destructive power. He told officers that "several of your people are gonna die from one of these" if federal agents did not come to negotiate his demands. Geri allegedly demanded, among other things (text converted into a bulleted list): * hundreds of thousands of dollars in payments to himself and others; * that federal arrest warrants be issued for all elected government officials and all judges so they could be held as terrorists under the "Patriot Act designation"; * that the President of the United States call on Congress to declare war on the "rogue cartel state" formerly known as Arizona; * extended hotel stays at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C.; * the Supreme Court remove the state of Arizona from the United States, declare it a "foreign enemy," and limit the movements of the residents of Arizona; * numerous requests to leaders of the Catholic and Jewish faiths, including but not limited to: * (i) barring woman from positions that carry legal authority over church holdings and parishes; * (ii) excommunicating all Arizona-based Catholics; and * (iii) revealing the lie of the Holocaust and removing all social controls based on it, especially in the "Jewish welfare system" in Germany; and finally, an expatriation flight to Japan. Josh Satter was the prosecutor on the case. The post Red Mass Explosive Man Asked S. Ct. to "Remove Arizona from the United States" and "Declare It a 'Foreign Enemy'" appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 4h
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[Eugene Volokh] Jews and Discrimination Based on Religion or Based on Ethnicity?
The Civil Rights of Act of 1866 (42 U.S.C. § 1981) was interpreted in the late 1960s as prohibiting discrimination even in private contracts based on race. In 1991, Congress expressly included that interpretation in the statute. Because in the late 1800s, "race" was understood to include what today might refer to "ethnicity" (e.g., German, Arab, Jewish), the Court concluded that § 1981 extends to such discrimination based on ethnicity. But there is no statute generally banning discrimination in contracting (as opposed to specific kinds of contracts, like employment, housing, or public accommodation) based on religion. Section 1981, by its terms, simply doesn't cover religious discrimination. This was the key behind Domanic v. Christian Bros. Automotive Corp., decided Wednesday by Judge Stuart Kyle Duncan, joined by Judges Andrew Oldham and Cory Wilson; an excerpt: Christian Brothers Automotive Corporation is a faith-based auto-repair business that franchises only to Christians. All of its more than 250 franchisees—a group which includes some ethnic Jews—are professing Christians. When the company refused to franchise to Evan Domanic, who is an ethnic and religious Jew, Domanic sued for racial discrimination under 42 U.S.C. § 1981…. On appeal, Domanic's main argument is that discrimination against Jews is ipso facto racial discrimination, even when (as here) the differential treatment is motivated purely by religion and not ancestry. We decline to adopt this novel argument, which is in tension with the Supreme Court's longstanding precedent that § 1981 does not reach religious discrimination. The argument is also out of step with the Seventh Circuit, which has twice rejected similar contentions about the indivisibility of Jewish ethnicity and faith under § 1981. Finally, we also agree with the district court that no evidence suggests that Christian Brothers's franchise policy is a façade for ethnic discrimination against Jews. If there were any evidence of that, of course, then Domanic's § 1981 claim would have to go to a jury. Because there is no such evidence, however, the district court correctly granted summary judgment dismissing Domanic's § 1981 claim…. Christian Brothers describes itself as a "faith-based franchisor of auto-repair stores," whose mission is to "glorify God by providing ethical and excellent service to its customers." This ethos is reflected in the company's branding, website, mission statement, and, of course, its name. Christian Brothers franchises only to professing Christians. The company asserts that, in forty years of business, it has never offered a franchise to someone not "spiritually aligned with the company and prepared to share a personal Christian testimony." As a result, each of Christian Brothers's more than 250 franchisees professes the Christian faith. It is undisputed that this group encompasses a variety of races and ethnicities and includes at least two ethnic Jews. Domanic, who is both ethnically and religiously Jewish, applied to open a Christian Brothers franchise in the fall of 2020. {Domanic was one of more than 1,200 applicants in 2020, only twenty-four of whom were ultimately awarded a franchise.} During the ensuing process, Christian Brothers employee Brandon Thomas asked Domanic about his faith. He replied that he is Jewish, not Christian. Domanic alleges Thomas told him religion would not be an issue, something Christian Brothers denies…. Section 1981 provides in relevant part: "All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts … as is enjoyed by white citizens …." The section applies to both government and private actions. See id. § 1981(c) ("The rights protected by this section are protected against impairment by nongovernmental discrimination and impairment under color of State law."). While § 1981 does not use the term "race," the section has long been understood to "prohibit[ ] racial discrimination in the making and enforcement of private contracts." Section 1981's conception of race is broad: it protects "identifiable classes of persons who are subjected to intentional discrimination solely because of their ancestry or ethnic characteristics." It does not matter that, today, some ethnic or ancestral group (say, Germans or Swedes) might be considered "white" or "Caucasian." The focus is instead on what groups Congress intended to protect when it enacted the law in 1870…. "The understanding of 'race' in the 19th century … was different. Plainly, all those who might be deemed Caucasian today were not thought to be of the same race at the time § 1981 became law." … It is also settled that § 1981 forbids discrimination on the basis of Jewish ethnicity or ancestry. In Shaare Tefila Congregation v. Cobb (1987), the Supreme Court confirmed that, at the time § 1981 (and its companion, § 1982) were enacted, "Jews constituted a group of people that Congress intended to protect." "Jews and Arabs," the Court explained, "were among the peoples then considered to be distinct races and hence within the protection of the statute." It is immaterial that Jews may be commonly classed as racially or ethnically "white" today. A person of Jewish ancestry can nonetheless sue under § 1981 if he is discriminated against on the basis of that ancestry. Finally, it is equally settled that § 1981 does not forbid religious discrimination…. [T]he evidence proved without contradiction that Christian Brothers has a longstanding and consistent policy of franchising only to professing Christians. And no evidence suggested that this policy was a pretext for racial discrimination against persons of Jewish ancestry (or any other ancestry). To the contrary, the undisputed evidence showed that Christian Brothers has franchised to two ethnic Jews who are professing Christians. Domanic does make the novel argument that, as far as § 1981 is concerned, there can be no distinction between discrimination based on Jewish ancestry and discrimination based on Jewish faith. Section 1981, he contends, "protect[s] Jews … regardless of whether they are religious or ethnic Jews." The district court correctly rejected this argument. To begin with, accepting Domanic's argument would vitiate the established principle that § 1981 does not touch religious discrimination. If Christian Brothers's policy were challenged under § 1981 by members of any other faith, those claims would fail as a matter of law. Yet Domanic asks us to recognize an exception for one faith only—Judaism. The settled law of § 1981 bars us from doing so. Next, the weight of precedent leans decisively against Domanic's argument…. [S]ister circuit decisions show why Domanic's § 1981 claim fails. Both readily distinguished discrimination based on Jewish ancestry or ethnicity (which is forbidden by § 1981) from discrimination based on Jewish religion (which § 1981 does not address). In our case, all the evidence points to this being an instance of religious and not ethnic discrimination: Christian Brothers franchises only to professing Christians and, indeed, its franchisees include ethnic Jews who meet that religious qualification. No evidence whatsoever suggests Christian Brothers, behind the façade of a religious policy, is in reality engaging in covert antisemitism. If any evidence suggested otherwise, Domanic's § 1981 claim would have to go to the jury. None does, though…. Some readers, of course, might ask: What if you want to have the Jewish Brothers Diamond Corporation (to play into an accurate stereotype) that franchises only to Jews? Would this violate § 1981? The answer is that if they would franchise to me—an ethnic Jew who is not religious—but not to an equally irreligious non-Jew, then that would be forbidden ethnic discrimination. But if they only franchise to people who practice Judaism, including converts who aren't ethnically Jewish, and exclude people who don't, including ethnic Jews who have converted or are irreligious, then that's religious discrimination, which § 1981 by its own terms doesn't cover. (Whether there might be a First Amendment or Religious Freedom Restoration Act claim of a right to exemption from § 1981, for organizations that have a religious reason for discriminating, is a separating matter.) Jeffrey L. Oldham, Anne Barry Irvine, and Allison B. Allman (Jackson Walker, L.L.P.) and Scott A. Agthe (Pierson Ferdinand, L.L.P.) represent defendants. The post Jews and Discrimination Based on Religion or Based on Ethnicity? appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 7h
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[Eugene Volokh] Defamation by Retroactive Scrubbing of Coach from Roster?
From Monday's decision by Judge Samantha Elliott (D.N.H.) in Wood v. Dartmouth College: Plaintiff Justin Wood was Dartmouth University's Men's Cross-Country coach for nearly two years, until August 2022. He alleges that Porscha Dobson Harnden, who served as the Director of Dartmouth Track & Field and Cross Country during his tenure and for roughly two years thereafter, made defamatory remarks about him to third parties after he left…. Consistent with this standard of review, the court assumes that the following facts taken from the amended complaint are true. Dartmouth hired Wood as the Head Coach of its Men's Cross-Country Team on November 16, 2020. In her capacity as the Marjorie & Herbert Chase '30 Director of Dartmouth Track & Field and Cross Country, Harnden was Wood's supervisor. During his employment, Wood reported and objected to certain of Harnden's practices, including allegedly falsifying COVID-19 testing documentation to allow sick athletes to practice and compete, and potential admissions fraud. On August 19, 2022, Wood and Dartmouth entered into a separation agreement and a general release agreement (separation agreement)…. The court, among other things, allowed Wood's defamation claims to go forward as to the retroactive removal of his name from past online rosters: At some point in 2024, Dartmouth removed Wood's name from the online rosters for the 2021 Men's Cross-Country team (for which he was the head coach), and the 2020-2021 and 2021-2022 Men's Track & Field Team (for which he was the assistant coach). During an interview with Tufts University, Wood's interviewer had printed the relevant pages from Dartmouth's website. His missing name became an issue because Wood's wife, who was a volunteer, had a profile while Wood did not. Dartmouth's website continues to list coaching positions for other former employees Dartmouth terminated…. Dartmouth … argues that it cannot be liable for defamation because it did not publish information, and instead solely removed it. But both the New Hampshire Supreme Court and this court have recognized a claim for defamation by implication. Such a claim occurs when a "defendant juxtaposes a series of facts so as to imply a defamatory connection between them, or creates a defamatory implication by omitting facts." Dartmouth's public roster presents information about the members of its team each year. Wood's absence from the roster plausibly implies that he is lying about his employment or that he left on bad terms, either of which could lower him in the esteem of the cross-country community, or in the community of his prospective employers. Taken in the context of the publication as a whole, in which even volunteers and individuals who were terminated by Dartmouth remain listed on the online roster, Wood's removal creates a defamatory implication. Thus, his amended complaint presents sufficient facts to assert a plausible claim for relief based on Dartmouth's website. The court also allowed Wood's defamation claims to go forward as to a reference check: After his employment with Dartmouth ended, Wood became aware of an opening for a track and field coaching position at New York University. NYU had previously offered Wood the head coaching position in 2014. In September 2022, he met with NYU's athletic director and submitted a formal application, which required a reference check. The "individual at NYU who was managing the background check" called Dartmouth to verify Wood's employment. Wood learned on December 7, 2022, that Harnden (or someone at her direction) responded that Wood had been "blacklisted." … While "blacklisted" alone may be opinion-based or hyperbolic, crediting as true Wood's allegations and giving him every reasonable inference, the statement is both defamatory and false when viewed in context. In these circumstances, the statement that Wood had been "blacklisted" would be reasonably understood by the person seeking the reference check to declare or imply a provable assertion of fact that Dartmouth had terminated Wood and determined that it would not rehire him, and not merely a matter of Harnden's opinion…. Further, giving Wood every reasonable inference and in the context of a reference check, declaring that Dartmouth had "blacklisted" Wood holds him up to contempt or ridicule and lowers his esteem in the running community and the community of potential employers, specifically at NYU…. The post Defamation by Retroactive Scrubbing of Coach from Roster? appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 8h
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[Josh Blackman] Today in Supreme Court History: October 2, 1967
10/2/1967: Justice Thurgood Marshall takes the oath. Justice Thurgood Marshall The post Today in Supreme Court History: October 2, 1967 appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 12h
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[Eugene Volokh] Open Thread
What’s on your mind?
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 13h
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[Josh Blackman] Todd Butler's Problematic Publications
He consistently attacks Justice Scalia, as advancing his "own political agenda."
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 21h
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[Josh Blackman] When Judges Pick Their Law Clerks As Replacements
Judge Southwick announces he will take senior status, and two days later President Trump nominates Southwick's former clerk.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 22h
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[Jonathan H. Adler] Buschbacher: Did Prof. Adler File His Amicus Brief for the Wrong Side in Suncor?
A guest post responding to my amicus brief in Suncor Energy v. Boulder County.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 23h
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[Ilya Somin] Second Federal Court Rules Against Trump's $100,000 H-1B Visa Fee
The court ruled that the imposition of the fee violates the Administrative Procedure Act.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 23h
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[Josh Blackman] Somehow the N.Y. Times Made Me Sympathetic To Chief Justice Roberts
Jodi Kantor's latest expose tells us nothing about the Court's decision but does destroy John Roberts's last refuge from scoundrels like me.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 01/10/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Which Parts of an Expert's ChatGPT History Related to Preparing Expert Report Must Be Disclosed?
From Judge Anne Traum (D. Nev.) Monday in Villanueva v. Las Vegas Metro. Police Dep't (the underlying lawsuit alleges a jail corrections officer abused plaintiff when plaintiff was arrested): Plaintiff Jose Villanueva sued Defendants Francis Soriano and the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department ("LVMPD"), for violations of state and federal law that occurred while he was detained at Clark County Detention Center ("CCDC")…. Plaintiff's expert witness, Tom Melton, testified in his October 1, 2025 deposition that he relied upon ChatGPT, an artificial intelligence program, to assist him with researching and drafting his expert report…. Defendants filed a motion to compel the production of Plaintiff's expert Tom Melton's ChatGPT history log with respect to his preparation of his expert report…. A party or its "representative" may invoke the trial preparation privilege to shield against the discovery of "documents and tangible things that are prepared in anticipation of litigation or for trial." Fed. R. Civ. P. 26(b)(3)(A). Subject to Rule 26(b)(4) and upon a threshold showing of discoverability, "substantial need," and "undue hardship," trial preparation documents may be subject to discovery. However, any court-ordered production of trial preparation materials must be structured to "protect against disclosure of the mental impressions, conclusions, opinions, or legal theories of a party's attorney or other representative." Expert witnesses may also invoke discovery privileges related to their draft reports. In their expert report, expert witnesses are required to include "the facts or data considered by the witness in forming" their opinion. Rule 26(a)(2)(B)(ii) was amended in 2010 to limit disclosures to "facts or data considered," instead of previous language on "data or other information" that was interpreted by many courts as requiring the disclosure of "all attorney-expert communications and draft reports." The rules distinguish between the required disclosure of facts or data considered, and an expert's drafts of their report, which are protected from discovery…. The court held that parts of the history log had to be disclosed: First, the Court will consider which parts of Melton's history log constitute "facts or data" under the meaning of Rule 26(a)(2)(B)(ii) that must be disclosed as part of his expert report. The Ninth Circuit's interpreted Rule 26(a)(2)(B)(ii) and the accompanying advisory committee notes to find that "the requirements should 'be interpreted broadly' to encompass 'any material considered by the expert, from whatever source, that contains factual ingredients.'" Republic of Ecuador v. Mackay, 742 F.3d 860, 869 (9th Cir. 2014). The court emphasized that disclosure required facts or data "considered" by the expert in forming their opinions, "'not only those relied upon by the expert.'" The legal case summaries generated by ChatGPT constitute "facts or data" that Melton considered and must be disclosed under Rule 26. This Court finds persuasive the reasoning in Hirata v. S. Nevada Health Dist. (D. Nev. 2016). The Hirata court found that an expert's failure to disclose summaries of thousands of pages of deposition materials as "facts and data" considered in creating their report violated Rule 26(a)(2)(B)(ii). Even if the summaries were provided by the party calling the expert and the expert "only consulted the summaries as a quick-reference guide, he still considered the summaries within the meaning of Rule 26." Plaintiff explains that Melton used the AI software to ask "for a case summary of certain controlling court cases on excessive force." Because Melton generated case summaries and "consulted" them to reach his expert opinion on excessive force, the ChatGPT-generated case summaries constitute "facts or data" that are subject to disclosure under Rule 26…. Because AI-generated case summaries are "facts or data," disclosure under Rule 26 requires the disclosure of all case summary responses supplied by ChatGPT. As Defendant correctly contends, the history log is the only place where Defendant can review alleged "hallucinated case citations … quotes … and references to broad legal standards" that Melton relied upon, or at least considered, to reach his opinion. But the court held that other parts were privileged and thus protected from mandatory disclosure: The Court finds it was clearly erroneous or contrary to law to order the production of the entirety of Melton's ChatGPT history, because Melton's: 1) questions and prompts to ChatGPT, 2) use of the program to create a deposition outline, and 3) creation of a draft report are all protected from disclosure…. First, the Court finds that Melton's questions and prompts to ChatGPT are not subject to disclosure. The threshold question is whether questions are "facts and data" considered by Melton that are subject to disclosure under Rule 26(a)(2)(B)(ii). The Court finds that a question is not something that an expert can "consider" or "rely" upon as "facts or data" in reaching their opinion, just as an expert would not "consider" or "rely" upon their online research queries. Next, the Court will determine whether Melton's questions and prompts are protected by any discovery privileges. Whether construed as part of an expert's draft report under Rule 26(b)(4)(B) or trial preparation materials under Rule 26(b)(3)(A), in any case, discovery into Melton's questions to ChatGPT would be impermissible. Based on the text of Rule 26 and accompanying advisory committee notes, the Ninth Circuit stated that "the driving purpose of the 2010 amendments was to protect opinion work product—i.e., attorney mental impressions, conclusions, opinions, or legal theories—from discovery." While Rule 26(b)(3)(A) provides a qualified privilege for an attorney or their representative's trial preparation materials (work product), disclosure cannot include the "mental impressions, conclusions, opinions, or legal theories of a party's attorney or other representative concerning the litigation." Fed. R. Civ. P. 26(b)(3)(B). The Court finds Plaintiff's argument persuasive that Melton's questions and prompts to ChatGPT reveal his "mental impressions or strategy … as to what issues he found of particular importance" and Melton's theory of the case. Because Melton's questions are not "facts or data" and impermissibly reveal his mental impressions and theories, the Court finds that it was clearly erroneous or contrary to law to order the production of this portion of the log…. [A] deposition outline is [also] not "facts or data" within the meaning of Rule 26. Instead of using ChatGPT's outputs to inform his expert opinion, Melton used ChatGPT's responses to structure his preparation for his deposition and trial. Plaintiffs should not have to disclose the portion of the history log related to deposition preparation…. Melton's creation of a deposition outline would impermissibly disclose his "mental impressions, conclusions, opinions, or legal theories," because such an outline would reveal Melton's focus, priorities, or areas of concern to address in the deposition and at trial. Lastly, … prompts to create a draft report on "certain issues, such as qualifications of the opposing expert or analysis of the opposing expert's report" is squarely within the protections of an expert's draft reports. Rule 26(b)(4)(B) mandates the protection of expert drafts "regardless of the form in which the draft is recorded." Melton testified to sometimes copying and pasting the outputs of ChatGPT into his own report. It appears that Melton's usage of the ChatGPT responses was to assist in his writing and analysis of his expert report, rather than to create "facts or data" to consider in forming his opinion. Defendant argues that ChatGPT's responses are not Melton's "own generation of a report," and is therefore not protected as an expert draft report under Rule 26(b)(4)(B). The Court finds that Melton's creation of a draft report on ChatGPT is protected as a draft report, because Melton testified that some of this information was directly incorporated into his own written report. Even if the ChatGPT output is not a draft report protected under Rule 26(b)(4)(B), it would still be mental impressions protected from disclosure under Rule 26(b)(3)(b). As addressed above, the ChatGPT responses would provide direct insight into Melton's "mental impressions" and "legal theories" that he considered relevant in a report…. The court also concluded that any privilege wasn't waived through disclosure to ChatGPT, "[b]ecause ChatGPT is not a person, but was an application used in this instance as a research, drafting, and editing program." And the court noted that "many of Defendant's concerns about Melton's methodology and reliance on ChatGPT are appropriate to address at trial as matters of impeachment." The post Which Parts of an Expert's ChatGPT History Related to Preparing Expert Report Must Be Disclosed? appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 01/10/2026
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[Josh Blackman] Today in Supreme Court History: October 1, 1924
10/1/1924: Chief Justice Rehnquist's birthday. Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist The post Today in Supreme Court History: October 1, 1924 appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 01/10/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Open Thread
What’s on your mind?
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Jonathan H. Adler] Justice Alito Says Recusal in Suncor Energy v. Boulder County a "Difficult Judgment Call"
Bloomberg reports on why Justice Alito decided to recuse from the first case of the Supreme Court's term.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Journalist's Publishing Information About Sealed Arrest Protected by First Amendment
Tech CEO who sued over the publication had to pay about $400K in defendants' attorney fees as a result of the trial court's throwing out the lawsuit, and the Court of Appeal just affirmed the dcision.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Jonathan H. Adler] On FOI Requests and Other Benefits of Working at a Public University
For twenty-five years I never had to think about freedom-of-information requests, but in the last year I have been the subject of two such requests.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Anti-White Speech Stemming from Seattle "Race and Social Justice Initiative" Training May Have Been Legally Actionable Workplace Harassment
From Diemert v. City of Seattle, decided by Chief Judge Mary Murguia, joined by Judges William A. Fletcher and Lucy H. Koh: During his employment, Diemert participated in the City's Race and Social Justice Initiative (the "RSJI"). The RSJI aims to undo institutionalized racism in the workplace by, among other things, requiring employees to attend trainings on racial justice and facilitating racially aligned affinity groups. Diemert brought various claims, most of which the court rejected; but the court allowed a hostile environment claim to go forward based on the following allegations: Diemert points to the following as evidence of an objectively hostile work environment: (1) in 2015, Diemert was discouraged from applying for a supervisory role, a person of color was hired for the position, and Diemert was required to perform the responsibilities of the position without receiving the commensurate title or pay; (2) in 2015, [a manager in Diemert's department] asked Diemert, "[W]hat could you possibly offer our department …, being a straight white male?"; (3) in 2016, manager Gloria Hatcher-Mays told Diemert "that it was 'impossible' to be racist toward 'white people'"; (4) in 2017, supervisor Tina Inay encouraged Diemert to step down from his lead role in the department in part to allow a person of color to take his position; (5) in 2017, a coworker called Diemert a "racist" and told him "that 'white people' are to be blamed for 'all atrocities' and that the United States was built upon a system of 'white supremacy'"; (6) in 2019, Diemert overheard RSJI trainers say that "white people are cannibals," that "racism is in white people's DNA," and that "white people are like the devil"; (7) between 2019 and 2020, supervisor Shamsu Said called Diemert a "colonist," "physically accosted" Diemert, accused Diemert of having "white privilege," and informed Diemert that he was "to blame for all injustices in the United States"; (8) in 2020, coworkers told Diemert that he "did not have a right to speak about black oppression" and accused him of using his "white privilege" to discredit their lived experiences; (9) in 2021, a new coworker stated that his "[s]elf and personal care" included "being around Black and brown folks"; and (10) also in 2021, Diemert was criticized by coworkers after Diemert defended critical race theory bans in connection with a discussion of the Tulsa Race Massacre. And here's the bulk of the court's analysis of this claim (which strikes me as more precedentially significant than the court's analysis of the other, rejected, claims): To succeed on a hostile work environment claim under Title VII, Diemert must show: (1) that he was subjected to verbal or physical conduct because of his race, (2) that the conduct was unwelcome, and (3) that the conduct was sufficiently severe or pervasive to alter the conditions of his employment and create an abusive work environment…. "The working environment must both subjectively and objectively be perceived as abusive." To determine whether a work environment is abusive, courts consider the totality of the circumstances, including "the frequency of the discriminatory conduct; its severity; whether it is physically threatening or humiliating, or a mere offensive utterance; and whether it unreasonably interferes with an employee's work performance." "No single factor in this non-exhaustive list is required." "The required level of severity or seriousness varies inversely with the pervasiveness or frequency of the conduct." "Not every insult or harassing comment will constitute a hostile work environment." "'[S]imple teasing, offhand comments, and isolated incidents (unless extremely serious)' will not trigger Title VII's protections." "The standard for judging hostility is meant to 'ensure that Title VII does not become a "general civility code."'" And "properly applied, this standard 'will filter out complaints attacking the ordinary tribulations of the workplace, such as the sporadic use of abusive language, gender-related jokes, and occasional teasing.'" Workplace training programs designed to address racial barriers are not inherently discriminatory, and nothing in Title VII prohibits employers from either discussing historical and ongoing discrimination against persons of color or seeking to address such discrimination. See, e.g., Chislett v. N.Y.C. Dep't of Educ. (2d Cir. 2025) (rejecting the proposition that "the conduct of implicit bias trainings is per se racist"). But "Title VII's disparate-treatment provision draws no distinctions between majority-group plaintiffs and minority-group plaintiffs." Accordingly, race-conscious training programs may violate Title VII when they create a racially hostile work environment. See Chislett ("When employment trainings discuss any race 'with a constant drumbeat of essentialist, deterministic, and negative language [about a particular race], they risk liability under federal law.' And when a municipal agency consistently ignores the racial harassment of employees in both trainings and workplace interactions, it can be held liable.")…. Here, the parties dispute only whether the workplace incidents at issue were sufficiently severe or pervasive to create an objectively hostile work environment…. We conclude that [the alleged] incidents were sufficiently numerous, frequent, and severe to create a triable issue as to the existence of a racially hostile work environment. Viewed in isolation, the incidents at issue here might not be sufficient. We have held, for example, that referring to a Chinese coworker as "China Man" while mocking her appearance; telling a Hispanic coworker that "Hispanics do good in the field"; and referring to a female coworker as a "madonna," a "regina," and a "castrating bitch," were not severe enough to create a hostile work environment. But unlike cases involving only one or two racially offensive incidents, Diemert has presented evidence of numerous incidents over a five-year span. This case, therefore, is comparable in frequency and severity to cases in which the evidence supported a finding of a hostile work environment. Reynaga v. Roseburg Forest Prods. (9th Cir. 2017), for instance, is instructive. There, the plaintiff, Reynaga, was one of two Hispanic employees who worked as a millwright. Reynaga alleged that his coworker made racially derogatory comments and engaged in other harassing conduct repeatedly over his six years of employment, including: (1) using racial slurs to refer to Blacks and Arabs; (2) stating "I'm a true believe[r] that we should close the borders to keep motherf---ers like you from coming up here"; (3) stating "Minorities are taking over the country"; (4) asking Reynaga whether "all Mexican women [were] fat"; (5) referring to Native American women, one of whom Reynaga was married to, as "nasty fat squaws"; (6) belittling Reynaga in front of a coworker as "a big boy" with a "little, tiny dick" who "needs all the help he can get"; and (7) while Reynaga was working, commenting "Boy, you're slow," and remarking to the other millwrights, "Man, he just dinks around." We held that a reasonable trier of fact could find that the coworker's conduct was sufficiently severe or pervasive to create a hostile work environment …. This case is comparable. As in Reynaga, the incidents at issue here referenced Diemert's race, targeted Diemert, caused Diemert to file complaints, required the City to separate Diemert from an allegedly harassing coworker, occurred over a substantial period of time, and were comparable in number and frequency. This case is also comparable to Chislett. There, the plaintiff, Chislett, was a white woman who directed an initiative under the Office of Equity & Access in New York City's education department and supervised fifteen employees. Chislett attended bias trainings where an instructor stated that the "values of white culture are supremacist," and an executive director declared that "[t]here is white toxicity in the air, and we all breathe it in." At an overnight retreat, speakers "stated that 'white culture's values' are 'homogenous and supremacist.'"In another training, participants were asked to write "white values" on a poster and form a line based on their proximity to white privilege. The trainings conveyed a persistent message that "white culture is generally defensive; entitled; paternalistic; power hoarders; and privileged." At another staff retreat, Chislett was singled out by coworkers in a fifteen-minute confrontation that referenced her race. She was assigned a leadership coach who "offered [her] insight into what it means to be a white leader leading staff members of color." Racialized comments from trainings spilled over into the broader workplace. When Chislett "asked her Black subordinate … why she was late to a meeting," for example, the employee accused Chislett of making a "race-based judgment" and told Chislett that she "could 'not be trusted.'" The employee later referenced the incident and scolded Chislett, "How dare you approach me out of your white privilege!" Another Black subordinate called Chislett a "racist," both subordinates told Chislett that "'race [wa]s at the center of every conversation' they had with her," and other subordinates told Chislett "that she was 'socialized as a white person to be defensive.'" Chislett also heard employees "ma[k]e racist statements about a colleague of partially white parentage." At one point, Chislett was removed from her supervisory responsibilities—although her title and pay remained the same. Many of her supervisory duties were transferred to a Black subordinate. Viewing the facts in the light most favorable to Chislett, the Second Circuit concluded that a rational juror could find that Chislett experienced a racially hostile work environment. Here, too, the evidence presented by Diemert, accepted as true, would show that Diemert was subjected to a series of racially offensive statements and generalizations bearing little or no connection to legitimate training efforts, that he was denied or discouraged from pursuing opportunities for advancement on account of his race, and that he received scant support from his superiors when he challenged what he perceived as discriminatory behavior. Construing this evidence in the light most favorable to Diemert, and drawing all reasonable inferences in his favor, we cannot say, as a matter of law, that a reasonable jury could not find that Diemert was subjected to a racially hostile work environment. Where "severity is questionable, 'it is more appropriate to leave the assessment to the fact-finder than for the court to decide the case on summary judgment.'" … I'm generally pretty skeptical of imposing "hostile work environment harassment" liability on employers based on their or their employees' speech to the workplace at large (as opposed to speech targeted to a particular employee); see here for more. But while some judges have shared these First Amendment concerns, other judges (and other government actors) seem to be fine with such speech restrictions; and here the bulk of the speech was indeed allegedly speech targeted at employees because of their race. The post Anti-White Speech Stemming from Seattle "Race and Social Justice Initiative" Training May Have Been Legally Actionable Workplace Harassment appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] No Sealing of Property Information in Motion Challenging Diversity Jurisdiction
From Magistrate Judge Reid Neureiter last Wednesday in Kazazian v. Wilson Elser LLP (D. Colo.) (plaintiff appears to be the same plaintiff who was denied pseudonymity in Roe v. Colorado Judiciary Department): Lawsuits are public. Allegations found in publicly filed lawsuits are generally immune from claims of defamation. But, in exchange for being able to launch public allegations of malpractice or breach of duty against Defendants without threat of a defamation claim in response, Plaintiff necessarily must accept that there will likely be public counter-allegations in return that may reveal her personal information. She will have to accept this as part of the cost of bringing a lawsuit. And an excerpt from the broader analysis: {Plaintiff has filed a lawsuit against her disciplinary proceeding attorneys, claiming legal malpractice and breaches of fiduciary duty. She also has leveled charges, essentially of professional negligence, against the neuropsychologist retained to provide an expert report.} Plaintiff alleges that diversity jurisdiction exists because she has been domiciled in Wyoming since 2024. Defendants' first motion to dismiss questioned whether Plaintiff is actually domiciled in Wyoming. If Plaintiff is domiciled in Colorado instead of Wyoming, it would defeat any asserted federal diversity jurisdiction. Defendants' original motion to dismiss referenced and attached the results of significant investigative work, including motor vehicle records, showing that: * Plaintiff has owned residential property in Vail, Colorado since 2007, either directly or through companies she controls; * the utility service for the Vail property is in Plaintiff's name; * a June 17, 2026 physical inspection of the Vail property showed that a vehicle registered to Plaintiff was in the space designed for the Plaintiff's property; * Plaintiff either directly, or through companies she controls, owns property on South Logan Street in Denver, Colorado; * database searches did not reveal any current Wyoming residency or real property for Plaintiff; * Plaintiff owns a car that is registered at the Vail, Colorado location, the Colorado registration expired on March 31, 2026, and the vehicle has not been registered in Wyoming; * while Plaintiff is a disbarred lawyer in Colorado, her address with the Colorado Supreme Court is listed as a business address at 34 N. Franklin St., PO Box 6871992, Pinedale, WY 82941, which is the address for Moosely Mailboxes—not a residential address; * Plaintiff has an active real estate license in New York which lists the Vail, Colorado property as her address; * the address listed in Plaintiff's complaint in this action is a commercial property for Wyoming Registered Agent, Inc., a commercial mail-receiving and registered agent business; * an analysis of emails sent by Plaintiff to Defendants since 2024 shows that Internet Protocol ("IP") addresses of all email sending locations, except two, were from Colorado. No emails were sent from Wyoming; * voting records showed Plaintiff voted in Eagle County, Colorado as recently as November 5, 2024, she renewed her voting registration there in October of 2025, and there is no Wyoming voter registration for Plaintiff or any history of her voting in Wyoming…. As a result of Defendants' filing, Plaintiff, on an emergency basis, moved to restrict the motion …, asserting that motion contained "unnecessary private, personal, vehicle-identifying, resident-related, location-related, e-mail-header/IP, investigative or former-client information." … It is the stated policy of the District of Colorado that "[u]nless restricted by statute, rule of civil procedure, or court order, the public shall have access to all documents filed with the court and all court proceedings." D.C.COLO.LCivR 7.2(a). The local rules do provide for the restriction of documents or proceedings by court order if the party seeking restriction can identify "a clearly defined and serious injury that would result if access is not restricted," and can also show that the interest to be protected "outweighs the presumption of public access." The party seeking restriction must also explain why no alternative to restriction is practicable (such as redaction …). Beyond the Court's stated policy, which presumes that documents filed in court proceedings are to be public, the Supreme Court has recognized the common law right to access judicial records and documents in civil cases, although the right is not absolute…. In addition, as emphasized by my colleague Judge John L. Kane, it is in keeping with the American ideals of government for court proceedings to be open to the public. The notion of significantly restricting or sealing a civil case is repugnant to that principle. As Judge Kane has rightly stated: We begin with the fundamental presupposition that it is the responsibility of judges to avoid secrecy, in camera hearings and the concealment of the judicial process from public view. Courts are public institutions which exist for the public to serve the public interest. Even a superficial recognition of our judicial history compels one to recognize that secret court proceedings are anathema to a free society. M.M. v. Zavaras (D. Colo. 1996), aff'd (10th Cir. 1998). The strong interest of the public in having access to court proceedings must be weighed against any claimed privacy interest of a litigant in sealing the proceedings. Also, it cannot be disputed that the allegations underlying this dispute, and the associated allegations regarding domicile, are important to the decision-making in this case. The issues are of public concern and involve the public interest…. [Plaintiff's malpractice, breach of fiduciary duty, and negligence claims] are serious public allegations that can have grave reputational impacts. Defendants are entitled to defend themselves against such charges. Among their defenses is that Plaintiff, through fraudulent representations, has manufactured federal jurisdiction where it otherwise would not exist. She has done this to avoid Colorado state court, where, because of prior abusive litigation conduct, Plaintiff has been prohibited from filing suit without being represented by counsel. To date, there is no such prohibition on Plaintiff in federal court. Defendants claim that Plaintiff, in alleging Wyoming domicile, is attempting to fraudulently gain access to the federal judicial system to which she would otherwise not be entitled by dissembling about where she is domiciled. These too are serious charges and there is a public interest in understanding both the allegations and how the Court resolves those allegations…. [Plaintiff's] information in question—her current or former addresses, vehicle type, license plate and VIN numbers—is, as Defendants point out, all publicly available…. If the information is publicly available, then there is no additional injury that can befall Plaintiff from its reproduction in a court pleading. [And] Plaintiff has not identified any "clearly defined and serious injury" that would result to her if access were not restricted. Other than a general concern that her personal information will be available in court documents, Plaintiff does not identify any particular harm that may befall her from the disclosure of this information. She does not claim to be the target of any threats or violence, for example. The only description of the supposed injury is found in her original motion to restrict: "The injury is concrete and immediate. Once personal information is placed on the public federal docket, it can be copied, indexed, searched, aggregated, republished, or misused. That harm cannot be fully repaired later." These are wholly conclusory assertions and do not establish harm. In Plaintiff's original motion to restrict, there is a suggestion that some of the personal information may have come from the Attorney Defendants' prior representation of Plaintiff. But, based the investigator's affidavit attached to the motion to dismiss describing her investigation methods, representations of counsel, and my review of the disputed information, it does not appear that any of the information contained in the motion to dismiss was based on facts learned during the Attorney Defendants' representation of Plaintiff years ago. Plaintiff makes no showing to the contrary. Without there having been any disclosure of attorney-client privileged or otherwise confidential information, Plaintiff has not shown any injury, much less a "clearly defined and serious injury." … [The serious allegations on both sides of this case cannot] be assessed or decided in a vacuum and certainly should not be decided behind closed doors. However the Court decides these questions, the process of evaluating these competing allegations should be conducted in the bright cleansing light of public scrutiny. Redacting substantial portions of the motion to dismiss does a disservice to the strong public interest in being able to properly assess allegations made in a federal court lawsuit and in evaluating the judicial process. This is not to suggest that there is not some emotional toll that may result from having personal information disclosed in public court documents. The case of M.M. v. Zavaras, cited above, makes the point with clarity. In Zavaras, a prison inmate sued the Colorado Department of Corrections ("CDOC") seeking to require the CDOC to pay for an abortion. The plaintiff there sought leave to proceed by pseudonym. Otherwise, her name, her pregnancy, and her desire for an abortion would be publicly disclosed in court documents. These are undeniably personal facts that the plaintiff understandably would have preferred to keep out of the public eye. But she had filed a lawsuit seeking court action. The motion was denied by Judge Kane at the trial level, and the Tenth Circuit affirmed on appeal. Judge Kane found that "whatever interest in privacy is claimed on behalf of the plaintiff, the countervailing public interests clearly and decisively outweigh it." The same can be said in this case. Plaintiff's privacy interest is not compelling and the public interests in open courts decisively outweigh it…. The Court will note again that it is Plaintiff who elected to file this lawsuit. Lawsuits are public. Allegations found in publicly filed lawsuits are generally immune from claims of defamation. But, in exchange for being able to launch public allegations of malpractice or breach of duty against Defendants without threat of a defamation claim in response, Plaintiff necessarily must accept that there will likely be public counter-allegations in return that may reveal her personal information. She will have to accept this as part of the cost of bringing a lawsuit. Bottom line, the Court finds that Plaintiff has not met her burden of showing that the motion to dismiss itself should be maintained under restriction, or that only a redacted version should be filed on the public docket…. Brittney Ann Vig (Wilson Elser Moskowitz Edelman & Dicker LLP) and Erik David Moya, Jacqueline B. Sharuzi-Brown, and Natalie Rose Novak (Sharuzi Law Group, Ltd.) represent defendants. The post No Sealing of Property Information in Motion Challenging Diversity Jurisdiction appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Josh Blackman] Today in Supreme Court History: September 30, 1857
9/30/1857: Justice Benjamin Robbins Curtis resigns from the Supreme Court after Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857). Justice Benjamin Robbins Curtis The post Today in Supreme Court History: September 30, 1857 appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Open Thread
What’s on your mind?
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Josh Blackman] SCOTUS Stays Third-Party Removal Injunction 40 Minutes After Reply Filed
It seems the Justices worked out a plan before the briefing concluded.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 30/09/2026
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[Stephen Halbrook] Second Amendment Roundup: Bruen's Footnote 9 Not a Carve-Out from Text and History
Judge R. Nelson’s dissent from 9th Circuit’s Yukutake decision thoroughly analyzes footnote 9.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Eleventh Circuit Upholds Restriction on Referring to "Settlement" of Trump v. IRS,
though concluding that the restriction is narrow.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Josh Blackman] The Supreme Court's two decades of constitutional change
"People tend to think the times they are living in are the most unprecedented and unpredictable, but that is rarely the case."
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Maybe the "M" in "SMOD" Actually Stands for "Model"
For a reminder as to SMOD, see articles on SMOD 2016, e.g., this CBS item: Some voters took to social media Tuesday to share photos of their preferred write-in candidate: "Sweet Meteor O' Death 2016", or SMOD 2016 for short. The parody campaign started in Dec. 2014 with a Twitter page devoted to the self-described "Precambrian Conservative" candidate with a description which reads, "Ready to Make an Impact, Tough on Putin & Iran, I'll probably destroy all Earthly life." The post Maybe the "M" in "SMOD" Actually Stands for "Model" appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Ilya Somin] Were the Nazis Socialist? Only in Part
The Nazis were similar to socialists supporting economic statism, but different in other key aspects of their ideology.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Lawyers Shouldn't Spit in Protesters' Faces (and Police Generally Shouldn't Kick in Doors Without Warrants)
In In the Matter of Disciplinary Proceedings Against Rapkin, decided Sept. 17 by the Wisconsin Supreme Court, Stephanie Rapkin was subjected to discipline by the Wisconsin OLR (Office of Lawyer Regulations) for charging a client "thousands of dollars without a valid written fee agreement in place," "fail[ing] to diligently carry out her duties," and related misconduct, as well as this unrelated offense: The OLR's complaint next alleged that on June 6, 2020, Attorney Rapkin "spat in the face of an African-American teenager who was taking part in a protest in Shorewood, Wisconsin" [apparently a Black Lives Matter protest -EV]. This incident led to Attorney Rapkin being convicted, following a jury trial, of misdemeanor disorderly conduct…. Rapkin didn't appear to contest the charges, saying that she had retired. The court concluded that a one-year suspension was the proper disciplinary measure: We agree with the referee that, regarding her work for the estate and trust of N.H.B., there was a knowing nature to Attorney Rapkin's long-term failures to communicate with her client, timely complete tasks, and bill appropriately. There is also no dispute that this misconduct caused injury to her client. On these facts, ABA Standards 4.42(a) and 7.2 suggest that suspension is the appropriate sanction. See ABA Standard 4.42(a) (recommending a presumptive sanction of suspension when "a lawyer knowingly fails to perform services for a client and causes injury or potential injury to a client"); ABA Standard 7.2 (recommending a presumptive sanction of suspension "when a lawyer knowingly engages in conduct that is a violation of a duty owed as a professional, and causes injury or potential injury to a client, the public, or the legal system"). We note, too, that ABA Standard 5.12 recommends a presumptive sanction of suspension when a lawyer commits a crime that does not involve certain intentional acts such as fraud or theft and that seriously adversely reflects on the lawyer's fitness to practice law. We have no trouble concluding that Attorney Rapkin's criminal conduct—spitting in the face of a teenager who was taking part in a protest—seriously adversely reflects on her fitness to practice law. See generally In re Disciplinary Proceedings Against Johns (Wisc. 2014) (noting that "certain criminal conduct is so revealing of character defects, and so undermines public confidence in the legal profession, that it necessarily reflects adversely on an attorney's fitness as a lawyer"). The incident is an embarrassment to the bar…. The court also ordered Rapkin to pay $3K in costs. On the other hand, Wisconsin Public Radio reports that, Rapkin sued the villages of Shorewood and Whitefish Bay after her arrest in 2020, alleging police violated her Fourth Amendment rights by kicking in the door to her home without a warrant. An insurance company representing the villages settled her case in 2024, awarding Rapkin $760,000. Here are the allegations from Rapkin's Complaint in that case (remember, these are just allegations, though a Milwaukee Journal Sentinel story reports that "Rapkin eventually filed a motion to suppress the evidence gathered from the search, and Judge Laura Crivello granted the motion, saying 'you need to get a warrant or wait till her attorney brings her down to the station house to talk'"): On June 7th of 2020, while Stephanie Rapkin was sleeping in her bed, members of the Shorewood and Whitefish Bay police departments were outside her home, trying to think of an excuse to enter, so they could arrest her on allegations that she pushed a protestor picketing outside of her home. After spending roughly 40 minutes milling around, the officers conspired to violate the Fourth Amendment by breaking into Rapkin's home under the false pretense that they just wanted to perform a welfare check. The justification for the excuse came from a neighbor, who told them that Rapkin may have taken a single sleeping pill twelve hours before.  Based on this totally innocuous information, the officers kicked down Rapkin's door, pointed weapons at her, arrested her, dragged her outside, paused to allow a round of applause by a crowd who had gathered around her home to watch the spectacle, and then re-entered her home to desperately search for any evidence they could use to justify their blatant violation of the Constitution. The post Lawyers Shouldn't Spit in Protesters' Faces (and Police Generally Shouldn't Kick in Doors Without Warrants) appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[David Bernstein] Problems with the New US Civil Rights Commission Report on Campus Antisemitism, Part II
In my previous post, I argued that contrary to a new US Civil Rights Commission Report, plaintiffs alleging an illegal hostile campus environment don't need to show that the hostile environment was created by individuals or groups with discriminatory animus toward the protected class plaintiff belongs to. Thus, Jewish students subject to a hostile environment don't need to prove that the antizionist students who created the hostile environment were motivated by anti-Jewish antimus. This raises on obvious objection: what's to stop complainants from using hostile environment law to force universities to suppress political speech that offends them so much that they can reasonably argue that it creates a hostile environment for them? Can Hispanic students, for example, argue that speech hostile to immigration and multiculturalism creates a hostile environment, even if the speakers were not motivated by, and did not express, anti-Latino animus? As the Report acknowledges, caselaw on whether purely political speech, not targeted at particular individuals, can create a hostile environment is far from clear. But the Report quotes me and others as arguing, in my words, that in general "the First Amendment bars university students from basing hostile-environment claims on the ideological content of political speech they might also encounter on a street corner off-campus." So in my view, regardless of whether antizionist activist students are motivated by antisemitic animus, their actions can create a legally hostile environment for Jewish students. But also regardless of whether there is antisemitic animus, political speech by the activists that does not amount to individualized harassment, threats, or intimidation cannot be the basis of a hostile environment claim. However, as I have also argued, in appropriate cases such speech can provide contextual evidence as to why actions like vandalism, disruptions, and threats, not protected by the First Amendment are reasonably perceived by Jewish students as threatening and creating a hostile environment. The post Problems with the New US Civil Rights Commission Report on Campus Antisemitism, Part II appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Painting Graffiti on African Burial Ground National Monument Isn't Protected Speech or Religious Practice
Self-coronate yourself elsewhere.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[David Bernstein] Problems with the New US Civil Rights Commission Report on Campus Antisemitism, Part I
Yesterday, the US Civil Rights Commission, composed of four Republican and four Democratic appointees, with a Democratic Chair and Vice-Chair, issued a unanimous report on antisemitism on university campuses. I find much of the legal analysis wanting, to say the least. I will have at least a few posts explaining why, starting with this one. The Commission's Report argues that Title VI hostile environment law only reaches hostile environment discrimination when the underlying actors accused of creating the hostile environment did so with intent to discriminate against the group claiming discrimination. (The Commission alternatively describes this as antisemitic "intent," "motivation" or "animus.") In other words, Jewish students can't bring a hostile environment claim against Harvard University unless the Harvard students who allegedly created the hostile environment did so with antisemitic intent, regardless of how the defendant, Harvard itself, reacted. On pages 64-69, he Report cites various legal arguments, and precedents including the First Circuit's horrible opinion in Stand With Us v. MIT, for its position, but this argument has to be wrong. Consider the following hypothetical. Harvard deploys an AI system to send out email  announcements to students, which come from an address "HarvardAI@Harvard.edu." Students are required to read these announcements, which provides notices about exam dates, new or revised academic policies, required student orientations and trainings, and other necessary information. Unfortunately, the AI system goes rogue, and in addition to sending out mundane announcements, it also figures out which students belong to the Black Students Association, and starts sending them, along with the standard emails, regular emails with mundane titles like "New Dorm Security Rules" but containing text that contains vile, personalized racist invective. Black students, individually and collectively, complain to the Harvard administration about these emails, explaining that they are taking a severe emotional toll on them and interfering with their ability to pursue their education. The administration responds that its budget for the AI system has already been spent, so there is nothing it can do to fix the problem until at least the next fiscal year. The students file a Title VI complaint against Harvard. The Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights dismisses the complaint, explaining that Title VI only applies where there is discriminatory animus, and AI, not being human, can't have animus, and further that the students have not alleged that anyone who worked on the AI system intended for the system to send hateful emails to black students. I can't imagine this is the right legal answer, or that anyone, including the Civil Rights Commissioners, would think it is. And that's because no one is suing the AI system for discrimination, they are suing the university for its indifference to the hostile environment the AI system created. The "intent" that matters is the university's deliberate indifference to the hostile environment. Analogously, it doesn't matter if "antizionist" students are motivated by hostility to Jews, or whether the antizionist movement is, as some argue, inherently antisemitic, because these students are not the defendants. What matters instead is this: once Jewish students have shown that the antizionist students created a hostile environment for them, intentionally or not, that meets the (stringent) legal standard for when a hostile environment exists, did the actual defendant, the university, not fulfill its legal obligation to combat that environment. The post Problems with the New US Civil Rights Commission Report on Campus Antisemitism, Part I appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] X Litigation Forum Selection Clause Is Unenforceable, Court Rules
From Judge Casey Pitts (N.D. Cal.) yesterday in Doe v. SpaceXAI Corp: Plaintiffs Jane Doe, South Carolina Roe, New Jersey Doe, and Ohio Doe sue defendants SpaceX.AI Corp. and SpaceX.AI LLC, alleging that their artificial intelligence product Grok permits users to alter real photos of people so that they are depicted undressed or in sexualized or otherwise explicit scenarios or videos, and that plaintiffs have all been the victims of such alterations. Defendants now move to … transfer [this action] to the Northern District of Texas…. The forum-selection clause is unconscionable. Defendants' motion to transfer is premised on the forum-selection clause…. Under California law, a contract is unconscionable if it is both procedurally unconscionable because "one of the parties lacked a meaningful choice in deciding whether to agree," and substantively unconscionable because it "contains terms that are unreasonably favorable to the other party."Procedural and substantive unconscionability are considered on a sliding scale, meaning that a finding of great procedural unconscionability requires a lesser degree of substantive unconscionability to render the provision unenforceable, and vice versa…. A contract is procedurally unconscionable if there was "oppression" or "surprise" involved in its formation. Oppression means a "lack of negotiation and meaningful choice." Defendants presented X's terms of service "on a take-it-or-leave-it basis without room for negotiation." Thus, there is at least "an element of adhesion" and a "lack of negotiation and meaningful choice." Adhesion alone renders a contract procedurally unconscionable. [Note that the Ninth Circuit precedent relied on by the court notes that adhesion renders a contract "procedurally unconscionable to at least some degree" (emphasis added). -EV] Surprise "can arise when the supposedly agreed-upon terms of the bargain are hidden in a prolix printed form drafted by the party seeking to enforce the disputed terms." Defendants include Version 20 of X's Terms of Service in full. As plaintiffs note, the forum-selection clause appears towards the end of the terms of service, in the middle of the second paragraph in the section titled "General." … This is precisely the kind of hiding of a term "in a prolix printed form drafted by the party seeking to enforce the dispute term" that the Ninth Circuit has recognized can support a finding of surprise…. Defendants' terms of service are also substantively unconscionable. Substantive unconscionability depends on the fairness of the contract's terms, especially "whether one party used their superior bargaining position to impose terms that are 'overly harsh, unduly oppressive, or unfairly one-sided.'" One-sided provisions in particular can be substantively unconscionable. Here, plaintiffs have demonstrated that the forum-selection clause is excessively one-sided. X's terms of service compel plaintiffs to adjudicate disputes "exclusively in the federal or state courts located in Tarrant County, Texas, United States." But unlike plaintiffs, defendants "may bring any claim, cause of action, or dispute [they] have against [users] in any competent court in the country in which [users] reside that has jurisdiction and venue over the claim." … Defendants do not "offer any business-related justification for imposing" such a one-sided venue-selection restriction on plaintiffs "but not [themselves]." The forum-selection clause's lack of mutuality is therefore highly substantively unconscionable. Given its significant degree of procedural unconscionability as well, the forum-selection clause is unconscionable…. James Hannaway and Sophia Marie Rios (Berger Montague PC) represent plaintiffs. The post X Litigation Forum Selection Clause Is Unenforceable, Court Rules appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Josh Blackman] Today in Supreme Court History: September 29, 2005
9/29/2005: Chief Justice Roberts takes oath. Chief Justice John Roberts   The post Today in Supreme Court History: September 29, 2005 appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 29/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Open Thread
What’s on your mind?
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 28/09/2026
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[Jonathan H. Adler] As Suncor Approaches, Justice Alito Recuses
The petitioners appear to lose a vote they might need in Suncor Energy v. Boulder County.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 28/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] ALJ Recommends Dismissing Administrative Charges Against Florida Teacher for Kirk-Related and Trump-Related Posts
From an opinion last week by Florida Administrative Law Judge Garnett W. Chisenhall in Mack v. McMath: After the assassination of Charlie Kirk, a well-known political activist, on September 10, 2025, Ms. McMath wrote the following message on her Facebook account, "Karma's a bitch—and she heard all your speeches when you proudly proclaimed that you didn't give a shit about other people's lives." She also shared an image of the author, E. Jean Carroll, holding the severed head of Donald Trump, the President of the United States. With regard to her posting about karma, Ms. McMath asserts she was not celebrating Mr. Kirk's assassination: "There was nothing to celebrate that day. I felt, and the language in my post reflects that it was a dark moment. It was a hard moment. And it was a moment also filled with a lot of complexity. And so I was not celebrating, and the language in that post and the intention behind that post was not celebratory." As for the image of Ms. Carroll holding President Trump's severed head. Ms. McMath asserts the image has symbolic significance: So it's an image by a political cartoonist that I follow and appreciate. It's an image of Jean Carroll holding the severed head of Donald Trump. He put it out—he made that drawing, the artist, on the day that Jean Carroll received justice within the judicial system for her lawsuit against the President on allegations of rape and sexual assault. It also was an image that I found compelling because it's a symbolic image. It's not an image where the artist or me are saying that somebody needs to go out and cut somebody's head off. It's an image that actually falls in a long history of images of survivorship that go back to the Middle Ages from Judith and Holofernes. I mean, I could list off all kinds of examples, but we're not here for an art history lesson. And so it's a symbolic image that is about women who have been abused overcoming their abuser. There is no evidence that Ms. McMath's posts were made during any school-related function or through the use of school-owned property. There is no indication within the posts that Ms. McMath was speaking on behalf of Douglas Anderson or the School District. There is no evidence that the posts were associated with her duties as an educator employed by the School District…. Mr. Kosac [Chief of the Florida Department of Education's Office of Professional Practices] spoke to about ten of Ms. McMath's students, and none of them stated that they had seen any of her social media posts. Mr. Kosac found: (a) no evidence that the social media postings at issue disrupted operations at Douglas Anderson or anywhere else within the School District; (b) no students claiming that their education had been disrupted by Ms. McMath's postings; (c) no evidence of any protests against Ms. McMath; and (d) no evidence that the social media postings at issue were made via school property or during school hours…. The administrative law judge recommended that the charges against McMath be dismissed; an excerpt of the analysis: The analysis of Count I turns on whether Ms. McMath's social media postings rise to the level of "gross immorality" within the meaning of Rule 6A-10.083(1), and any reasonable analysis shows a lack of clear and convincing evidence to support Count I. For instance, with regard to subsection (1) of the Rule, there is no competent, substantial evidence to support a finding Ms. McMath's conduct brought her or the education profession into public disgrace or disrespect. As noted above, Mr. Bennett [a School District Office of Professional Standards investigator] and Mr. Kosac fielded no complaints from School District students or employees. There is also no competent, substantial evidence that the social media postings at issue impaired Ms. McMath's service in the community…. As for subsection (4), the Commission argues that the factors of violence, deliberation, and the vulnerability of the affected audience, i.e., students, are present…. [But] Subsection (4) identifies an "educator's use, attempted use or threatened use of violence" as being indicative of gross immorality. The social media postings did not reflect any use, attempted use, or threatened use of violence by Ms. McMath. Also, the Commissioner has not argued that Ms. McMath's post was a legitimate threat to sever President Trump's head. Subsection (4) identifies "[t]he educator's deliberation, premeditation, or contemplation of an act" as being indicative of gross immorality. The social media postings did not reflect any deliberation, premeditation, or contemplation of any act by Ms. McMath. Finally, Ms. McMath persuasively testified that students were not her intended audience…. In Count II, the Commissioner alleges that Ms. McMath violated section 1012.795(1)(g) which provides that the Commission may revoke a person's educator certificate if that person "has been found guilty of personal conduct that seriously reduces that person's effectiveness as an employee of the district school board." … [But t]here is no evidence that the social media postings at issue seriously reduced Ms. McMath's effectiveness as a School District employee. While the School District reassigned her to a position that included no teaching duties, the Record lacks any persuasive explanation for why the School District took that action. In fact, Principal Feagins would like to have Ms. McMath "back." There is also no persuasive evidence to support the Commission's assertion that Ms. McMath cannot teach students. On the contrary, the evidence conclusively demonstrates that she is still capable of being an effective classroom teacher. As noted above, Mr. Bennett's investigation found no teacher, administrator, or student within the School District who complained about Ms. McMath. Also, Mr. Kosac found no students claiming that Ms. McMath's social media postings disrupted their education…. In Count IV, the Commissioner alleges that Ms. McMath violated Florida Administrative Code Rule 6A-10.081(2)(a)1, which requires Florida-licensed educators to "make reasonable effort to protect the student from conditions harmful to learning and/or to the student's mental and/or physical health and/or safety." In support of this allegation, the Commission argued the following: … The rule measures the educator's effort. It does not require proof of injury or proof that a particular student was in fact harmed; it requires proof that the educator failed to make reasonable effort to protect students from such conditions. [Ms. McMath] taught eleventh-and twelfth-grade students. On an account that identified her as a Duval County teacher and that was open to the entire world, she published, on the day of a public assassination, a statement invoking "karma" against the victim and reciting that "she heard all your speeches." On the same account she circulated an image depicting the screaming severed head of the sitting President of the United States. Content that trivializes a homicide and that generally depicts the decapitation of a national figure is a condition harmful to learning and to the mental health of the adolescent students who encounter it. [Ms. McMath] made no effort to protect her students from exposure to that content. She did not restrict the accounts, she did not remove the posts, she did not disclaim them, and she did not remove the identification of her employer from her profile. Her accounts remain public, and the " "Karma's a bitch" post remains published and accessible by students. No individual student was identified as having viewed the posts. That does not defeat the charge. The obligation the rule imposes is one of reasonable effort in the fact of a harmful condition, and an educator who broadcasts such content to a world-wide audience and who takes no protective measure whatsoever, before or after, fails to make that effort…. The Commission failed to carry its burden of presenting clear and convincing evidence in support of Count IV. The record evidence establishes that Ms. McMath did not attempt to impose her political views on her students…. [S]he does not allow students to follow her on social media, and she does not have private conversations with students outside the classroom. While the Commissioner asserts that Ms. McMath's social media postings were "harmful to learning and to the mental health of the adolescent students who encounter[ed them]," the Commissioner offered no persuasive evidence, such as expert testimony from a child psychologist, to support that assertion. In addition, the Commissioner did not offer testimony from any students claiming their learning and/or mental health were negatively impacted by the social media postings at issue. Therefore, even if students had seen Ms. McMath's social media postings, the Commission has failed to demonstrate that those students' learning and/or mental health would have been negatively impacted. In Count V, the Commissioner alleges that Ms. McMath violated rule 6A-10.081(2)(b)1, which requires Florida-licensed educators to "take reasonable precautions to distinguish between personal views and those of any educational institution or organization with which the individual is affiliated." … Even though Ms. McMath's social media accounts identify her as a Duval County school teacher, the Commission did not present any evidence indicating that a reasonable person might conclude that Douglas Anderson and/or the School District shared the sentiments expressed in Ms. McMath's social media postings. Also, the social media postings at issue appeared on Ms. McMath's personal social media accounts rather than any social media accounts maintained by Douglas Anderson or the School District…. John M. Phillips (Phillips, Hunt, & Walker) represents McMath. The post ALJ Recommends Dismissing Administrative Charges Against Florida Teacher for Kirk-Related and Trump-Related Posts appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 28/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Free Speech Unmuted: Can the President Kick Reporters out of the White House?
When President Trump moved to bar CNN, MSNOW, and Politico from the White House over "biased" coverage, it set off a fast-moving legal showdown. My co-host Jane Bambauer I break down why the law was surprisingly clear-cut. Drawing on a 50-year-old D.C. Circuit precedent and a fresh ruling on Oval Office access, they explain the crucial distinction between the press briefing room (a forum where reporters can't be excluded based on viewpoint) and the Oval Office (the president's own turf, where he can talk to whomever he wants). Plus: the due process twist that let a judge sidestep the First Amendment question entirely, the White House's slow-motion compliance with the restraining order, and why "the First Amendment is not a Freedom of Information Act." Also check out our past episodes: * Spoiler Alert: Can You Get Sued For Revealing A Plot Point? * The Process Is The Punishment: ABC v. FCC with Stuart Benjamin * Can AI Libel You? The Robby Starbuck Case * Shrexting: Free Speech or Criminal Harassment? * The First Amendment and Privacy Rights * 'Defamacast' and More: How American Defamation Law Works * Speech, Not "Conduct": Supreme Court Rules on Conversion Talk Therapy * Equal Time, Stephen Colbert, and the Future of Political Broadcasting * Student Speech, Threats, and the First Amendment * Can Journalists Be Charged for Involvement in Protests? The Don Lemon Dilemma * 2025: The Year In Free Speech * Does the First Amendment Protect Supposedly "Addictive" Algorithms? * Defamation Law in the Age of AI with Lyrissa Lidsky * Free Speech and the Future of Legal Education * From Brandenburg to Britain: Rethinking Free Speech in the Digital Era with Eric Heinze * Kimmel, the FCC, and the Government's Power Over Broadcast Speech * A Conversation with FIRE's Greg Lukianoff * A Burning First Amendment Issue: President Trump's Executive Order on Flag Desecration * Free Speech and Doxing * The Supreme Court Rules on Protecting Kids from Sexually Themed Speech Online * Free Speech, Public School Students, and "There Are Only Two Genders" * Can AI Companies Be Sued for What AI Says? * Harvard v. Trump: Free Speech and Government Grants * Trump's War on Big Law * Can Non-Citizens Be Deported For Their Speech? * Freedom of the Press, with Floyd Abrams * Free Speech, Private Power, and Private Employees * Court Upholds TikTok Divestiture Law * Free Speech in European (and Other) Democracies, with Prof. Jacob Mchangama * Protests, Public Pressure Campaigns, Tort Law, and the First Amendment * Misinformation: Past, Present, and Future * I Know It When I See It: Free Speech and Obscenity Laws * Speech and Violence * Emergency Podcast: The Supreme Court's Social Media Cases * Internet Policy and Free Speech: A Conversation with Rep. Ro Khanna * Free Speech, TikTok (and Bills of Attainder!), with Prof. Alan Rozenshtein * The 1st Amendment on Campus with Berkeley Law Dean Erwin Chemerinsky * Free Speech On Campus * AI and Free Speech * Free Speech, Government Persuasion, and Government Coercion * Deplatformed: The Supreme Court Hears Social Media Oral Arguments * Book Bans – or Are They? The post Free Speech Unmuted: Can the President Kick Reporters out of the White House? appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 28/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Brothzilla, or "It's a Cruel Thing to Disrupt Your Estranged Sister's Expensive Destination Wedding"
And there's a defamation case stemming from all that.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 28/09/2026
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[Josh Blackman] Today in Supreme Court History: September 28, 1787
9/28/1787: Confederation Congress adopts Constitution and sends it to the states. The Constitution The post Today in Supreme Court History: September 28, 1787 appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 28/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Open Thread
What’s on your mind?
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 27/09/2026
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[Josh Blackman] Today in Supreme Court History: September 27, 1787
9/27/1787: First Anti-Federalist letter by "Cato" is published. The post Today in Supreme Court History: September 27, 1787 appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 27/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Open Thread
What’s on your mind?
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 27/09/2026
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[Josh Blackman] A Few More Thoughts On The Missouri Ruling
When electoral chaos is on the horizon, nothing else matters.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 26/09/2026
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[Jonathan H. Adler] When Making a Statutory Argument, It Helps To Read the Statute
A quick rejoinder to Ben Zycher on the EPA's rescission of the endangerment finding.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 26/09/2026
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[Jonathan H. Adler] The Road Not Taken in Trump v. Barbara
A brief essay on why the Court should have decided the Birthright Citizenship case on statutory grounds.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 26/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Music Teacher's Defamation Lawsuit Against StopAntisemitism Thrown Out
From Lewis v. StopAntisemitism, decided Friday by Judge Adrienne Nelson (D. Or.): Plaintiff is a professional musician who has worked as a private music teacher for over thirty years. During the 2023-2024 school year, plaintiff worked as an independent contractor at Valley Catholic Music School … [teaching] private violin and cello lessons to Valley Catholic students in practice rooms across the K-12 campus. Plaintiff also taught strings classes to students and non-student community members at Valley Catholic's summer camp. "Prior to August 2024, [plaintiff] posted some of [her] opinions regarding certain geopolitical events, including but not limited to the war in Gaza and its occupation by Israeli armed forces, on [her] personal Facebook page." Plaintiff expressed these views "entirely outside of the summer music camp and the private lessons with [her] students at Valley Catholic" and did not share or discuss these opinions with her students. StopAntisemitism is a national organization focused on highlighting threats to Jewish safety and civil rights. One of the ways it seeks to do this is by publishing recurring features "designed to inform the public about antisemitism expressed by public figures, educators, activists, and institutions," including a recurring feature entitled "Corrupting the Classroom." Through the "Corrupting the Classroom" feature, StopAntisemitism shares publicly accessible statements made by various educators, along with defendants' commentary on the statements. On August 21, 2024, StopAntisemitism shared on its X.com profile a "Corrupting the Classroom" feature focused on plaintiff. The feature, which was spread across several X posts, includes screenshots of statements plaintiff made on her public Facebook account, archived links to those Facebook posts, and defendants' statements about plaintiff and her posts. Defendants' first posts begin by stating, "Warning to parents of students in Beaverton, OR. Valley Catholic High School's Sue Lewis is not just instructing in the music school—she's using her platform to spread vile antisemitic hate online." Following that is a bulleted list that states that plaintiff "claims Israel killed its own citizens during the October 7th massacre by Hamas terrorists[, ] calls upon Hamas to destroy Israel[, and] denounces the atrocities of Hamas against innocent Israeli victims." The next post begins, "Sue Lewis continues her antisemitic tirades." It is then followed by its own bulleted list, stating that plaintiff "denies the Jewish connection to Israel[; ] claims Jews control humanity, a dangerous trope[; and] labels Zionism (Jewish self-determination) a terror movement based on Jewish supremacy." The post concludes by stating, "Students at [Valley Catholic] are in grave danger under Sue Lewis. Concerned? Email info@valleycatholic.org." Below the final statement is an archived list of plaintiff's Facebook posts. Screenshots of AntiSemitism's posts are shown below: Four of plaintiff's archived posts are particularly relevant to this motion. The first is a photograph, which plaintiff posted on February 16, 2024, that appears to show plaintiff wearing a black-and-white keffiyeh. The remaining four posts contain only text. The first post, which was shared by plaintiff on November 2, 2023, states, "Yeah these Hamas militants are going to wipe out Israel with their homemade bombs, small arms, hang gliders, grenades and slingshots. Be afraid, be very afraid." The second post, which plaintiff shared on October 22, 2018, states, "If Jewish people want their own state they shouldn't not put it on some else's state. Genocide is no way to make a state!" The third post, which plaintiff shared on April 4, 2024, appears to show a dictionary-style definition of "Zionism" as "[a]n inherently violent & terroristic movement for colonizing Palestine through the theft of Palestinian land and the ethnic cleansing of indigenous Palestinians in order to create a Jewish-supremacist settler colony." The fourth and final post, which plaintiff shared on October 21, 2018, states, "Zionist Jews have managed to mentally condition humanity to accept and remain silent as they commit genocide in Palestine." … Following defendants' feature, plaintiff "received a torrent of hateful comments and direct messages, some of which were violent and threatening, from strangers who had read" the posts. On August 21, 2024—the same day that StopAntisemitism shared its feature on plaintiff—Valley Catholic informed plaintiff that it would not be renewing her contract for the 2024-2025 school year…. Defendants moved to dismiss the case under Oregon's anti-SLAPP statute, which allows for prompt dismissal of legally meritless lawsuits that are brought over speech on matters of "public interest." The court agreed that the posts were indeed on such matters: Although the parties debate the exact scope of the challenged posts, the outcome is the same under either framing. Defendants argue the posts concern antisemitism, Israel, Palestine, and the war in Gaza—topics plaintiff concedes are issues of clear public interest. Plaintiff counters that the posts' messaging is far narrower, cabined strictly to plaintiff's personal views on these issues. Plaintiff, however, is an educator, and the public is indeed interested in educators' viewpoints on controversial topics, particularly where the educator has posted those viewpoints online for the world to see…. And the court concluded that the claim was indeed legally meritless: [A]ll the challenged statements are protected opinions under the First Amendment…. Plaintiff challenges four statements here. The first is one of several bullet points listed under the statement "Valley Catholic High School's Sue Lewis is not just instructing in the music school—she's using her platform to spread vile antisemitic hate online." The first challenged statement then reads: (1) "calls upon Hamas to destroy Israel." The second and third statements are bullet points that follow the statement, "Sue Lewis continues her antisemitic tirades." These statements read: (2) "denies the Jewish connection to Israel," and (3) "claims jews control humanity, a dangerous trope." Fourth and finally, plaintiff challenges a statement that follows the second list of bullet points. That statement reads: (4) "Students at @_ValleyCatholic are in grave danger under Sue Lewis." … None of these statements, when read in context, imply the assertion of objective fact. First, the general tenor of defendants' posts negates the impression that defendants were asserting objective facts about plaintiff. Viewed contextually, defendants' statements clearly express their interpretation of plaintiff's own posts. The posts begin by stating that plaintiff is "using her platform to spread vile antisemitic hate online," and conclude by stating "Lewis' posts are listed below." Photos of plaintiff's posts are shown below defendants challenged statements, as are the archived links to plaintiff's original Facebook posts. Considering the links to plaintiff's posts, the very nature of defendants' "feature," the clear motivation of the author—who is named StopAntisemitism in the challenged posts—and the opinionated wording used, the general tenor of the posts strongly suggests that the statements reflect only the author's opinions about the words plaintiff chose to share online. Viewers are invited to read the posts plaintiff herself shared alongside defendants' characterizations. If defendants were claiming that plaintiff said the exact statements at issue, there would be no reason for defendants to also include plaintiff's actual wording in the posts. Any concern that defendants were misquoting plaintiff is put to rest by reading plaintiff's own statements…. The general tenor of defendants' posts commands the same outcome here. "[D]ivorced from [their] context," the challenged statements "might convey the impression that plaintiff identifies," but "[l]ooking at the entire statement," defendants are sharing their interpretations of plaintiff's words, not stating that plaintiff herself made the exact claims defendants wrote. Second, defendants used hyperbolic language that negates the impression of fact. Indeed, the entire statements at issue are themselves hyperbolic descriptions of plaintiff's own postings—which again is made clear when viewing the statements in context. The specific wording defendants used is also hyperbolic, describing plaintiff's posts as "antisemitic tirades" and accusing plaintiff of "spread[ing] vile antisemitic hate online." Even the use of the phrase "grave danger" is hyperbolic and clearly based on defendants' views about the words plaintiff shared online. Courts have found similarly extreme claims to constitute rhetorical hyperbole when viewed in context…. Whether the statements are susceptible to bring proven true or false is a tricker question but ultimately nondispositive. "Although plaintiff may be correct that the question of" what she called upon, denied, and claimed is "something that is susceptible of being proved true or false, the question here is whether the assertions communicated by defendant[s'] statements are ones that are susceptible to being proved true or false." When viewed in context as Neumann requires, defendants' statements represent their interpretation of plaintiff's words and thus defendants' personal viewpoints. Because "the expression of a personal viewpoint is not something that is susceptible to being proved true or false," defendants' statements cannot constitute actionable defamation…. The court also rejected plaintiff's false light, tortious interference with economic relations claim, and intentional infliction of emotional distress claims, for similar reasons; an excerpt: "The same rationale that underlies" the Court's decision on those claims "—concern for the free speech implications of penalizing political advocacy—applies with equal force with respect to [the tortious interference] … claim." … [And d]efendants' postings, which contain defendants' constitutionally protected opinions alongside plaintiff's own words, are not extreme and outrageous as a matter of law. Plaintiff's [intentional infliction of emotional distress] claim must therefore fail as well…. It appears likely that plaintiff will therefore have to pay defendants' legal fees, since the Oregon anti-SLAPP statute so provides when a defendant's anti-SLAPP motion is granted; but the amount of the fees is presumably a matter for further proceedings. Abra Siegel (National Jewish Advocacy Center) and James L. Buchal (Murphy & Buchal LLP) represent plaintiff. The post Music Teacher's Defamation Lawsuit Against StopAntisemitism Thrown Out appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 26/09/2026
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[Josh Blackman] Today in Supreme Court History: September 26, 1986
9/26/1986: Chief Justice Warren Burger retires. Chief Justice Warren Burger The post Today in Supreme Court History: September 26, 1986 appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 26/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] Open Thread
What’s on your mind?
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Volokh Conspiracy @volokhc.bsky.social · 26/09/2026
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[Eugene Volokh] May President Trump Exclude CNN from Air Force One? Very Likely Yes
After being blocked in his attempt to keep CNN out of the White House altogether (including the main press briefing room), President Trump has excluded CNN from traveling with him on Air Force One. This, though, he is quite likely allowed to do. As you likely recall, last year Trump kicked AP out of the Oval Office press pool, because the AP had refused (in my view correctly refused) to call the Gulf of Mexico "the Gulf of America." A D.C. Circuit panel majority, to oversimplify slightly, concluded that this was constitutionally permissible, both as to the Oval Office and as to Air Force One. An excerpt from that 2025 decision (AP v. Budowich): The White House is likely to succeed on the merits because these restricted presidential spaces {Oval Office, … Air Force One, and … the President's home in Mar-a-Lago} are not First Amendment fora opened for private speech and discussion. The White House therefore retains discretion to determine, including on the basis of viewpoint, which journalists will be admitted. The majority concluded that those spaces differed from some more broadly open spaces in the White House: Reporters and photographers have long been permitted access to the White House complex to cover the President and his administration. The White House manages access by requiring journalists to obtain a press credential called a hard pass. More than one thousand journalists hold hard passes, through which they may access spaces such as the James S. Brady Briefing Room, where the White House Press Secretary delivers regular briefings. Hard pass holders may also sign up via a reservation system to attend larger events hosted in the East Room, which is often used for meetings with foreign leaders, executive order signings, and press conferences. Because the White House has opened these press facilities "to all bona fide Washington-based journalists," hard passes may not be denied arbitrarily or based on the content of a journalist's speech. Sherrill v. Knight (D.C. Cir. 1977)…. When the White House opens its facilities to the press generally, as it does in the Brady Briefing Room, it cannot exclude journalists based on viewpoint. Sherill v. Knight. On the other hand, we have never suggested that there are any First Amendment restrictions on "the discretion of the President to grant interviews or briefings with selected journalists." Sherrill. In deciding which journalists to speak with, the President may of course take into account their viewpoint. If President Trump sits down for an interview with Laura Ingraham, he is not required to do the same with Rachel Maddow. The First Amendment does not control the President's discretion in choosing with whom to speak or to whom to provide personal access. It is a time honored and entirely mundane aspect of our competitive and free press that public officials "regularly subject all reporters to some form of differential treatment based on whether they approve of the reporters' expression." The Baltimore Sun Co. v. Ehrlich (4th Cir. 2006). These uncontested principles provide the framework for assessing the AP's claim that the Oval Office and other restricted spaces become nonpublic fora [in which viewpoint discrimination is forbidden -EV] when the White House selects a small group of journalists (such as the press pool) to be present for observational newsgathering and reporting…. The Oval Office is the President's office, over which he has absolute control and discretion to exclude the public or members of the press. As the district court explained, the Oval Office "is a highly controlled location … shrouded behind a labyrinth of security protocols," which "few members of the public will ever" enter. The President uses the space for myriad purposes, including speeches, signing ceremonies, and meetings with senior officials or heads of state. When events in the Oval Office are broadcast to the public, they feature the President's speech and expressive activity. It hardly needs to be said that the Oval Office, Air Force One, or even the East Room are not places "traditionally open to assembly and debate," nor are they open to the public for expressive activity…. Only about one percent of hard pass holders can fit in spaces like the Oval Office. When access to government property is very limited, considerations of viewpoint may be permissible…. {Both the AP and the district court at various points suggest that if the White House maintains something like the press pool, it must allow access on a viewpoint neutral basis. For the reasons already explained, a group of journalists observing presidential events is not a forum of any sort. Accordingly, the White House should not have to choose between excluding all journalists and admitting journalists under the restrictions of a nonpublic forum. By recognizing the distinctions between different fora "we encourage the government to open its property to some expressive activity in cases where, if faced with an all-or-nothing choice, it might not open the property at all."} … The messages conveyed in the Oval Office are government speech and opportunities for the President's administration to express its message. "When government speech is involved, forum analysis does not apply and the Government may favor or espouse a particular viewpoint." … Choosing who may observe or possibly speak with the President in these spaces is not the type of action that supports a retaliation claim. Rather, it is more akin to a decision about how the President wields the bully pulpit…. To be sure, CNN has also argued that the revocation of its reporters' White House press passes violated the Due Process Clause as well as the First Amendment. Indeed, the judge's order Thursday morning requiring the White House to reinstate those press passes relied on the Due Process Clause, and didn't reach the First Amendment. (The D.C. Circuit Sherrill v. Knight decision, which the judge relied on Thursday and which AP v. Budowich discussed, concluded that denial of a White House press pass based on viewpoint would violate both the First Amendment and the Due Process Clause.) But the logic of the D.C. Circuit AP v. Budowich decision, it seems to me, applies equally to the Due Process Clause. The Sherrill precedent expressly yoked the First Amendment and Due Process Clause claims together: In our view, the procedural requirements of notice of the factual bases for denial, an opportunity for the applicant to respond to these, and a final written statement of the reasons for denial are compelled by the foregoing determination that the interest of a bona fide Washington correspondent in obtaining a White House press pass is protected by the first amendment. This first amendment interest undoubtedly qualifies as liberty which may not be denied without due process of law under the fifth amendment. AP v. Budowich concluded that there was no protected First Amendment interest in access to the Oval Office or Air Force One (as opposed to in getting a White House press pass more broadly), analogizing to the President's power to decide which reporters to give personal interviews. It seems to me to follow that there would likewise be no protected Due Process Clause interest, just as reporters can't claim a Due Process Clause violation if the President decides to stop giving interviews to them. Finally, note that, just as the precedents that limit revocation of White House press passes don't apply to exclusion from the Oval Office and Air Force One, the Thursday order's terms likewise cover only White House press passes: Defendants (except for President Trump) and their agents, representatives, and all persons or entities acting in concert with them shall immediately return, reinstate, and restore the White House "hard pass" press credentials held by employees of CNN, MS NOW, and POLITICO that were revoked on or about September 18, 2026, until further Order of the Court or the expiration of this Temporary Restraining Order. So the President's Air Force One decision doesn't violate the district court's order, as well as being consistent with D.C. Circuit precedent. None of this makes the President's decision wise, but I think it is constitutionally permissible. The post May President Trump Exclude CNN from Air Force One? Very Likely Yes appeared first on Reason Magazine.
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