Section 11 of the American Political Science Association

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The concept of candidate positioning is central to the study of US elections, representation, and political behavior. Existing work, however, overwhelmingly relies on indirect measures, which may not ...

The proliferation of terrorist propaganda threatens societies worldwide. Yet, we know little about violent extremists’ strategy in disseminating their ideologies. This article studies the ideological ...

How can exiles mobilize dissent back home? We argue that internet communication technologies enable exiles to play an instigator role in domestic contentious politics. Analyzing the behavior of three ...

AbstractHuman annotation of data, including texts and images, is a bedrock of political science research. Yet, we often fail to consider how the identities of our labelers may systematically affect th...

In this article, we study wrongdoing features of discrimination. We develop grounded moral theory as an analytical tool to explore the wrongdoing of stereotype articulations and apply that to cases of...

The empirical evidence within the field of party competition suggests that the success of far-right parties is tightly connected to issue salience of immigration policies. However, it is still unclear...

Closed-list proportional representation is considered to produce politicians engaged in programmatic, party-oriented behavior. Personal vote-seeking and geographic responsiveness, however, are attribu...

In developing countries, incumbents commonly exercise political influence over bureaucrats through monitoring or patronage hiring. We investigate a new politicization channel: a phenomenon where burea...

Most scholars working on linguistic justice within political theory deal with questions of distributive justice but not with the question as to who should have the authority to decide over linguistic ...

In many countries, partisans have become increasingly biased in how they evaluate others based on political affiliation. We suggest that this increase in affective polarization may in part be caused by changes in the global power distribution that caused many countries to experience a long period without external (military) threats. To study the importance of external threats, we conduct a priming experiment to examine how making Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 salient causally influences affective polarization and collaboration in the United States. We find that priming Americans with Russia’s military aggression leads to a modest reduction in affective polarization and an increase in cooperativeness as measured by behavior in an incentivized coordination game. Surprisingly, the effect of making Russia’s invasion salient does not depend on perceived cross-party disagreement about the conflict. These results suggest that researchers should also consider international relations to understand within-country polarization and willingness to collaborate.