Global health organisations have reacted with anger to the new US foreign aid policy, which prohibits all aid recipients, bar military, from performing or

Watch “Rovina’s Choice.” It was January, my final week in the outgoing Administration. In a few days, Donald Trump would be inaugurated as President. I had come to the United States Agency for International Development in early 2022, leaving my surgery practice and public-health research in Boston to lead the agency’s global-health efforts. Now I’d be returning to my previous life. I spent my last days at U.S.A.I.D. in meetings with our civil- and foreign-service leaders, thanking them. Their work with partner countries had helped to contain twenty-one outbreaks of deadly disease, sustain Ukraine’s health system after Russia’s invasion, combat H.I.V., tuberculosis, and polio, and reduce maternal and child deaths worldwide. On a budget of just twenty-four dollars per American—out of the fifteen thousand dollars in taxes paid per person last year—they had saved lives at an almost unimaginable scale. An independent, peer-reviewed analysis in The Lancet estimated that U.S.A.I.D. assistance had saved ninety-two million lives over two decades. Many of the leaders voiced trepidation about what the incoming Administration might bring, but I struck a sanguine note. U.S.A.I.D., I pointed out, had more than sixty years of solid bipartisan backing. Trump had advanced significant parts of the agency’s work in his first term. He had personally pledged to end H.I.V. as a public-health threat by 2030. The incoming Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, had been a vocal supporter of the bureau. There would be isolated partisan skirmishes—over diversity initiatives, abortion-related policies, and the like—but more than ninety-five per cent of our bureau’s work had never been under contention. Clearly, I lacked imagination. Within hours of being sworn in, President Trump signed an executive order for a “pause” to all foreign assistance. Secretary Rubio sent a cable suspending every program outright. No program staff could be paid. No services could be delivered. Medicines and food already on the shelves could not be used. No warning had been given to the governments that relied on them. It was immediately obvious that hundreds of thousands of people would die in the first year alone. But the Administration did not reconsider; it escalated. Elon Musk exulted in swinging his chainsaw. Within weeks and in defiance of legal mandates, he and Rubio purged U.S.A.I.D.’s staff, terminated more than four-fifths of its contracts, impounded its funds, and dismantled the agency. Neither Congress nor the Supreme Court did anything to stop it. We are now witnessing what the historian Richard Rhodes termed “public man-made death,” which, he observed, has been perhaps the most overlooked cause of mortality in the last century. Brooke Nichols, the Boston University epidemiologist and mathematical modeller, has maintained a respected tracker of current impact. The model is conservative, assuming, for example, that the State Department will fully sustain the programs that remain. As of November 5th, it estimated that U.S.A.I.D.’s dismantling has already caused the deaths of six hundred thousand people, two-thirds of them children. The toll is appalling and will continue to grow. But these losses will be harder to see than those of war. For one, they unfold slowly. When H.I.V. or tuberculosis goes untested, unprevented, or inadequately treated, months or years can pass before a person dies. The same is true for deaths from vaccine-preventable illnesses. Another difficulty is that the deaths are scattered. Suppose the sudden withdrawal of aid raises a country’s under-five death rate from three per cent to four per cent. That would be a one-third increase in deaths, but hard to appreciate simply by looking around. The Administration, for its part, has denied causing widespread harm, even as it has made the scale of the damage harder to measure—halting data monitoring and dismissing the inspectors general who might have documented it. This is common in cases of public man-made death. During Mao Zedong’s disastrous Great Leap Forward, from 1958 to 1961, the Chinese government released no accurate mortality data. Observers abroad understood that a hunger crisis was under way when China began importing grain, but the scale of the catastrophe was not known until the mid-nineteen-eighties, when the first reliable census allowed historians to calculate that between twenty-three and thirty million people had died. A fuller accounting of the fallout from U.S.A.I.D.’s shutdown will probably have to await analysis of the United Nations’ 2025 mortality statistics, which likely won’t appear until 2027. But there are other ways to glimpse the scale of the harm. With a documentary team that includes both American and local journalists, I have been following what has happened in Kenyan communities where U.S.A.I.D. had been active—in an advanced-H.I.V. ward in Nairobi, in primary health-care centers that had sharply reduced malaria, in a refugee camp, and elsewhere. We chose Kenya because I’d done a lot of work there during my tenure, and because it’s on a familiar path of development. Like India, South Korea, and many Latin American countries that the U.S. assisted to advance from low-income recipients of aid to higher-income trade partners, Kenya had reached the lower rung of middle-income status. The country had made dramatic leaps in health-system capacity and life expectancy with the help of a mixture of projects. U.S.A.I.D. supplied medicine, food, and staffing for some of the most desperate and vulnerable, while providing technical assistance and investment to accelerate the country’s expertise in needs ranging from H.I.V. control to primary care. I was especially worried about what would happen to the programs for childhood malnutrition, which, during the past two decades, had made extraordinary progress around the world. In place of a system that waited for emaciated children to reach distant hospital wards, often hours away, we had helped countries bring the front line to where they lived. A community health worker, carrying a tape measure and a scale, could detect danger early at home. A packet of peanut-paste therapeutic food could reverse starvation for the vast majority of severely malnourished children. Hospitals became a backstop for complications and for the frailest cases, while communities worked to strengthen local food sources. The method was simple, frequent, and close at hand: measure the upper arm, check for swelling, provide supplemental nutrition, watch for infection or decline, return the next week. The results were dramatic. Mortality rates for severe malnutrition, once twenty per cent or higher, fell below five per cent. In Kenya, communities we worked with, including refugee camps, saw death rates drop to under one per cent. The United States had played a central role in developing and manufacturing the formula for therapeutic supplements. U.S.A.I.D. then had helped UNICEF, the World Food Programme, local health systems, and other actors scale up the approach worldwide. Globally, under-five child mortality fell by more than half since 2000, in major part owing to the advances in malnutrition treatment, which saved more than a million lives in 2023 alone. Still, most of the world’s malnourished children lack access to these programs. But, instead of trying to close that gap, we are washing our hands of it and reversing the gains. In Kakuma, a vast refugee camp near the South Sudan border, starting in spring, our documentary team followed clinicians and families inside the stabilization unit at Clinic 7, where the sickest children come. Because of the termination of U.S. support, the World Food Programme’s supplies had been reduced to forty per cent of minimum needs, and cases of acute malnutrition had surged. Two-thirds of the clinic’s community health workers were laid off, hobbling the early-detection system that once saved most children before they needed acute care. Clinic 7 is where we met Rovina Naboi, who had fled South Sudan with her family. In our short film, she reveals what it was like trying to keep her desperately ill daughter, Jane Sunday, alive in a system that has broken down. There are valid criticisms of U.S.A.I.D. It sometimes fostered dependency. It could be inefficient. Too much of its funding went to international institutions, rather than to local ones. And its history includes episodes in which aid was bent to American military and political aims—in Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere. Yet no other agency of the U.S. government has saved more lives per dollar. It helped move billions of people out of poverty. And it showed how to deliver results for all of humanity, including Americans, through coöperation, rather than coercion. The destruction of U.S.A.I.D. does nothing to improve this work. Instead, we have public man-made death. And the cruelty and lethality will only grow as the Administration expands its rollback of public-health advances to the homeland. We cannot let the people affected—health workers like those of Clinic 7, families like Rovina Naboi’s—go unseen. And we cannot let the consequences go unaccounted for.

 The Second Vice President Enock Chihana has urged citizens in the country to take an active role in protecting their rights and the rights of others, stressing that the defence of human dignity must begin within families and communities. Speaking on Wednesday in Nkhata Bay, during the commemoration of International Human Rights Day and the official closing ceremony of the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, Chihana said many Malawians still rely on the law and government institutions, forgetting that everyday actions play a critical role in safeguarding rights. The Second Vice President said its sad and shameful that Malawi continues to grapple with human rights violations more than 30 years after returning to democracy in 1964. He said the country should now be shifting its focus to development rather than repeatedly dealing with rights abuses. He further reaffirmed government’s commitment to uplifting people’s welfare, highlighting measures such as the removal of secondary school fees and prioritisation of what he termed the “four Fs”—food, fertilizer, fuel and forex. UN Women Country representative, Letty Chiwara noted that this year’s theme “Human Rights Everyday Essentials” reminds Malawians that rights are not theoretical but central to daily life. In her remarks, Executive Director for the Foundation for Children’s Rights Jennifer Mkandawire observed that although the number of reported child abuse cases is rising, this reflects improved awareness rather than increased violation

 How investing in enablers without production is bad economic policy By Dr Douglas Rasbash – Special Correspondent For decades, Botswana has comforted itself with the belief that investing in enablers is the same thing as investing in growth. Roads, buildings, offices, conference centres, IT platforms, utilities — the list is long and familiar. Every National…

 Sweden will phase out development aid to five countries - Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Mozambique, Liberia and Bolivia - in the coming years as Stockholm redirects resources toward Ukraine, the Swedish government announced on Friday. Minister for International Development Cooperation and Foreign Trade Benjamin Dousa said the shift was necessary to meet Sweden’s growing foreign-policy commitments. “Ukraine is Sweden’s most important foreign policy and aid policy priority and therefore the government is going to increase aid to Ukraine to at least $1.06 billion in 2026,” he said, adding pointedly: “There isn’t a secret printing press for banknotes for aid purposes and the money has to come from somewhere.” ADVERTISEMENT According to the government, the redirection of funding will free up more than 2 billion Swedish crowns over the next two years, resources that will be channelled into projects such as rebuilding Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. Sweden has already slashed aid to more than ten countries since the right-leaning coalition came to power in 2022 including reductions affecting Burkina Faso and Mali. Although Sweden remains a significant global donor, contributing roughly 56 billion crowns annually over the past three years, it plans to reduce that figure to 53 billion crowns per year for 2026–2028 while also shifting part of the aid budget toward immigration-related costs. A broader reckoning for African aid-dependent economies The announcement adds to mounting anxiety across African nations that rely heavily on foreign development support. ADVERTISEMENT For countries such as Zimbabwe, Tanzania and Mozambique - states grappling with weak fiscal buffers, high unemployment, and post-pandemic slowdowns, Sweden’s withdrawal comes at a time when global aid flows are already under strain. Many African governments now face a deepening funding gap as traditional donors rethink their priorities amid global conflicts, climate pressures and domestic political shifts. This trend mirrors broader realignments in donor countries, including the United States. Under President Donald Trump’s assertive “America First” development posture, Washington has increasingly pushed for aid programs that emphasise “self-reliance,” scaled-back funding envelopes, and tighter conditionalities. ADVERTISEMENT The recent restructuring of U.S. global health and development initiatives, including reduced engagement in several African states following the dismantling of USAID structures reflects the same pattern of shrinking external support for traditional beneficiaries.

Secretary Rubio, I have read your Substack post from 3 December 2025. From the outset, let me extend congratulations to the United States on assuming the G20 Presidency. We offer our sincere wishes for a successful term, one that we hope will serve the cause of global unity and inclusive progress. Substack Post by Secretary Rubio: America Welcomes a New G20 Follow us on WhatsApp | LinkedIn for the latest headlines Your words, however, compel me to speak, not merely as a representative of a government, but as a voice from a nation whose very existence is a testament to a profound truth: that the deepest divides can be bridged. Not through dictation, but through dialogue, not through power alone, but through unwavering principle, not through unilateral action but global solidarity. On the Nature of True Leadership South Africa is a founding member of the G20, no single member of the G20 has a unilateral right to exclude South Africa from the G20. You draw a contrast in our approaches to G20 leadership. Let us discuss that contrast honestly, guided by the wisdom that today’s adversary can indeed be tomorrow’s partner in peace. South Africa’s Presidency was built on a simple, powerful belief: that treating Africa and the Global South as equal partners and honestly addressing the systemic macroeconomic issues that impede their growth, is not an act of charity, but a strategic imperative for a stable, prosperous world. We reaffirmed multilateralism and the United Nations because our own liberation was won not in isolation, but through the solidarity of a global community that recognised a shared stake in justice. We understand, in our bones, that the world is an interconnected whole. The poverty, instability, or environmental distress in one corner of it does not remain there; it becomes a burden, or a crisis, for all. The success of our G20 Presidency was a result of the conducive environment for the free flow of ideas that South Africa has created. The people of South Africa created a hospitable environment in the true spirit of Ubuntu, which led to the South African G20 being a people’s G20, and many delegations attested to this in their public comments. For example, as our President Cyril Ramaphosa noted recently in a speech: • A German delegate is said to have commented: “I’ve attended summits on six continents. I’ve never experienced warmth like this.” • A Japanese delegate had this to say: “Your security guards smile while being vigilant. Your drivers share stories while navigating. Everyone, from the protocol officers to the coffee vendors, treats us like welcomed family, not foreign dignitaries.” • A French delegate shared something profound: “We came to discuss economic frameworks. But what we’ll remember is how your people made us feel. That’s not soft power, that’s real power.” World leaders, diplomats, delegates and observers have been sharing their impressions online as well. For example, the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, said: “Thanks to the wonderful people of South Africa and the government of South Africa for organising the summit.” The Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund, Kristalina Georgieva, praised South Africa’s “incredible hospitality”. Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz posted: “In a difficult international environment, it is important to preserve the G20 as a forum for global coordination – and to integrate Africa firmly. Thank you for your hospitality and ambitious presidency in these turbulent times.” The UN Development Programme’s South Africa Representative wrote: “South Africa delivered a G20 that showed the world what African leadership looks like – dignified, strategic and people centred.” It is a matter of public record that the United States chose not to attend our G20 meetings. Given that absence, the notion of our “sabotaging” consensus is not just incorrect, it misunderstands the very purpose of a forum like the G20. Our role as host was not to force agreement, but to create the conditions for it: a table of equals, governed by the spirit of Ubuntu. That spirit, “I am because we are”, is not a slogan. It is the philosophy that steered our nation away from the precipice of bloodshed and towards reconciliation. It is what led delegates from across the world to describe our gathering as a “people’s G20.” True leadership doesn’t mean everyone leaves getting everything they want; it means everyone leaves feeling they have been truly heard. On Our Sovereign Path of Healing You then turn to critique our domestic policies and by extension our national interest. Here, I must speak with clarity, for to misunderstand our journey is to misunderstand the enduring scars of inequality and the long road to healing. South Africa today is governed by a ten-party Government of National Unity not the ANC alone. Ours is a vibrant, contested, and living democracy a definitive repudiation of the tyranny of a single race that once ruled us. Our policies of redress are not a political invention. They are the fulfilment of a promise made to all South Africans as we emerged from the darkness of apartheid. That promise is enshrined in our Constitution, a document born from what many called a miracle of negotiation or to borrow from your Supreme Court Justice, the late Ruth Bader Ginsberg, the best Constitution in the world. Its Preamble is a vow to “heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights.” The Constitution of South Africa enjoins us to transform our society for the better through the rule of law. Thirty years into our democracy, we are not a perfect society, and it is still not uncommon to meet a beneficiary of our transformative policies who is the first of their family, or even their community, to enter a particular profession. That is the living legacy of apartheid a systemic racial inequality that once permeated every walk of life and whose shadows we are still dispelling. Do not take my word for it. Listen to the words of our founding President, Nelson Mandela. In 1997, he stated: “If we are genuinely interested in ending the old social order and bringing in a new one, characterised by justice and equity… the economic power relations represented by the reality of the excessive concentration of power in a few white hands have to change. We make this demand… because we cannot see how it would be possible to pull our country out of an economic crisis… while we perpetuate this power structure.” And in 1995, he reminded us: “With freedom and democracy, came restoration of the right to land. And with it the opportunity to address the effects of centuries of dispossession and denial.” As you can see, in Madiba’s political imagination, reconciliation and redistribution, were two side of the same coin, not opposites nor mutual exclusive. This is the same Nelson Mandela who spent 27 years in prison for fighting that system of racial tyranny, and for much of that time, until the year 2008, his name remained on a United States official list as a “terrorist.” History, we have learned, often renders a different judgment. It reminds us that one nation’s “terrorist” can be another’s, and ultimately, the world’s, moral beacon. It teaches us profound humility in judging the complex, painful journeys of other nations toward justice. Our democratic journey is but 30 years young. It asks an immense task: to dismantle the entrenched architecture of over 300 years of colonialism and apartheid. No nation on earth has performed such radical surgery on itself overnight. We are building, brick by brick, the foundation of a new society. Yes, our economy has faced profound challenges. But new green shoots are emerging historic investments in a just green energy transition, a renewed and systemic fight against corruption, and the resilient determination of a people finally claiming their rightful place in their own land. Emerging from a challenging past, South Africa builds on this to ensure that living standards improve for all. South Africa’s growth performance has strengthened substantially since the end of Apartheid in 1994. For example, in 1994, South Africa’s GDP was R3.6 trillion (in constant 2023 prices), and by 2024, the size of our economy was R7.3 trillion. Indeed, like many countries, we had our domestic challenges, including State Capture, and we are rebuilding from that, but to suggest that our economy is a failure is an exaggeration. I must also state that, because of the democratic government, South Africans, as individuals, are, on average, 1.5 times better off, by monetary measure, than in 1994, the dawn of democracy. More importantly, when we measure using the Human Development Index, which combines health and education indicators, we have advanced from a Medium to a High HDI profile. Today, more than 95 per cent of households have access to electricity, and piped water now reaches close to 90 per cent of households. This was not the case in 1994, when access to basic services was structured along racial lines, with white South Africans given preference over all other groups. Consider this for a moment: in 1994, only 40 per cent of black South Africans had access to electricity, compared with virtually universal access for white households. This skewed picture has only changed because successive democratic administrations did not waver on redistribution. You also state that ” President Trump has rightly highlighted, the South African government’s appetite for racism and tolerance for violence against its Afrikaner citizens have become embedded as core domestic policies. It seems intent on enriching itself while the country’s economy limps along, all while South Africans are subject to violence, discrimination, and land confiscation without compensation.” This could not be further from the truth. In the farming sector you highlight, where Afrikaner farmers continue to dominate and power the country’s food security, along with other farmers, we have made progress. South Africa’s farming sector has more than doubled in value terms since 1994. It saw significant growth from 2000 onward under the democratic government. South Africa is now the only African country in the top 40 global agricultural exporters, and exports are reaching record levels, just under US$14 billion in 2024, and set to surpass this figure in 2025. No country with land grabs and invasion would reap such success. Indeed, we continue land reform through a just and equitable approach to ensure the farming sector is inclusive. We cannot have a farming sector where the majority of African farmers produce only 10% of the commercial output. But to build a shared prosperity environment, the South African government is utilising a market-based principle of land reform and securing property rights. To show that farmers are not threatened, the farming sentiment in the country remains robust, and commercial banks continue to invest in the agricultural sector. This is a show of confidence in our system. We must all appreciate that, given the history of racial discrimination in South Africa, which excluded black people from the mainstream economy and also excluded black people from critical economic areas, the inclusion programmes and prioritisation of Black people’s inclusion remain fundamental, transformation is a Constitutional imperative that the late Former President Mandela stood for. A Final Word of Shared Hope Secretary Rubio, the world is watching. It is growing weary of double standards. It is tired of lectures on democracy from those who seem to have forgotten that democracy, at its best, must listen as much as it speaks. We do not seek your approval for our path. Our path is our own, chosen by our people and guided by our sovereign laws. But we do seek, and we will always extend, a hand of respectful partnership. We believe in a world where nations can disagree yet still find common ground for the sake of a child’s health, a community’s stability, and our planet’s future. That is the world Madiba fought for. That is the world we, in South Africa, are still building every single day. In that spirit of shared humanity and clear-eyed hope, we remain open to dialogue, committed to maintaining our overall relations. Yours in mutual respect,
Minister Ronald Lamola
Minister of International Relations and Cooperation

Country: Madagascar Source: International Organization for Migration  Please refer to the attached file. In July 2025, IOM Madagascar conducted a study on the Solution and Mobility Index (SMI) in the region of Boeny, in the north-west of Madagascar. Carried out with the support of the German Development Cooperation (GIZ) as part of the project "Improving the management of internal migration in the context of climate change in host communities" (PROMIC) which aims to improve the management of mobility related to climate change in the Boeny region and promote governance, sustainable management of natural resources, social cohesion, and the fight against inequality and poverty. This report assesses the stability of 76 localities hosting internally displaced persons (IDPs) from the Great South for climatic reasons. The analysis focuses on four themes: livelihoods and basic services, social cohesion, safety and security, and climate resilience. It identifies the root causes of fragility, challenges and opportunities to guide decision-makers towards sustainable solutions to strengthen the peaceful cohabitation and resilience of host communities and IDPs to achieve a sustainable solution in the Boeny region.

 South Africa's vision to make the G20 deliberations and outcomes resonate with the rest of the continent has resulted in strategic visibility for Africa. The themes of the year-long presidency - solidarity, equality and sustainability - framed South Africa's leadership around wider issues of development and inclusivity. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was a continuous central theme throughout South Africa's 2025 presidency, appearing in many statements, ministerial meetings, working groups and Africa-focused side meetings. The final declaration issued by the G20, read out by President Cyril Ramaphosa at the end of the Leaders' Summit, linked G20 trade and investment cooperation directly to AfCFTA implementation. It acknowledged that regional economic integration, including the AfCFTA, is a key enabler of economic growth, resilience, investment and development. The declaration noted a "G20 Africa Cooperation Agenda on Trade and Investment" promoted by the South African presidency. This is a voluntary and non-binding initiative that is not legally enforceable but provides a roadmap for cooperation and investment. The aim is to mobilise investment into Africa's productive sectors including manufacturing, agriculture, pharmaceuticals and critical minerals and into infrastructure, with an emphasis on regional infrastructure. The agenda, which includes many existing initiatives, will be overseen by the African Union (AU) and African Development Bank. Africa had an additional voice at the table through the membership of the African Union, this year represented by Angola's president as the current chair of the bloc. The AU's first summit was in 2024 under Brazil's presidency. South Africa has long pressed for the reform of global financial institutions, greater representation of the Global South, and recognition of Africa's economic weight. It was a founding member of the G20 in 1999, chosen on the basis of it being the most sophisticated and diversified economy on the continent. It has, over the past few years, pushed for AU membership to enhance the continent's voice. The lobbying was successful and in 2023, at the G20 summit in India, the AU was granted permanent membership. Among the representatives of 42 countries and institutions that attended the Leaders' Summit in Johannesburg were many presidents from other African countries, including Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Egypt, Namibia and Ethiopia. Ramaphosa met many of them on the sidelines of the main event and in other forums to ensure the G20 legacy is aligned to African development aspirations, the government said. Nigeria hosted a G20 Africa Outreach Meeting on Industrialisation and Agriculture, the first G20 meeting outside South Africa during the year. Common issues for Africa The AfCTA is a central thread that has run through discussions that touched on many of the projects and initiatives announced by and around the G20, covering many other common issues affecting the whole continent. These include industrialisation, climate funding, debt sustainability and the reform of global financial institutions, which aims to ease the burden on African countries and promote growth and development. South Africa established cross-cutting G20 task forces on issues that matter for Africa such as inclusive economic growth, food security and artificial intelligence. Inequality was a key theme at the event. South Africa commissioned an Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts on Global Inequality, chaired by Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, which produced the G20's first-ever report on global inequality. South Africa, Namibia, Botswana and Zimbabwe are among the most unequal countries in the world and the Stiglitz report found that global inequality is worsening, with the wealthiest 1% capturing 41% of all new wealth between 2020 and 2024, and the bottom 50% only 1%. The Africa Engagement Framework is another continental initiative driven under the G20. A multi-year initiative, it is intended to deepen and institutionalise G20 support for Africa's economic and financial development. This also underpins the essence of the AfCFTA. The goal of this legacy initiative is to align G20 financial and economic support with African development priorities - not just on a project-by-project basis, but through coordinated, systemic engagement. It was officially endorsed by G20 finance ministers and central bank governors in October 2025, and South Africa has committed to coordinating and resourcing the initiative until 2030. A complementary initiative, the G20 Compact with Africa, founded in 2017, entered its second phase (2025-2033) at the Johannesburg event and new financing was pledged to mobilise investment in Africa and support structural and business climate reforms. Member countries in Africa must meet reform criteria in order to benefit from it. Zambia and Angola are the newest members, while the World Bank and the African Development Bank act as coordinators and facilitators. Legacy projects Industrialisation was another key platform, focusing largely on critical minerals. South Africa advanced a critical minerals initiative that emphasises value addition, beneficiation, and inclusive supply chains, rather than just extraction. The G20 Critical Minerals Framework emanated from the South African process. It is a voluntary blueprint for international cooperation and provides a template for African countries to follow in pursuing opportunities related to critical minerals. The Ubuntu Legacy Initiative is yet another Africa-focused legacy project to catalyse cross-border infrastructure development, including a toolkit produced by the African Development Bank. Climate issues were a large part of the final G20 leaders' declaration. Issues raised were the need to scale up climate finance, build capacity and transfer technology to developing countries, which would help African nations access more concessional, climate-focused funding. South Africa elevated disaster resilience (especially climate-induced natural disasters) to a leadership issue in the G20, arguing strongly that vulnerable countries (many in Africa) need more support. The summit's final declaration committed the G20 to investing in disaster finance mechanisms such as insurance, risk pools, catastrophe bonds and contingent credit to help countries facing increasing climate-related disasters. It also reaffirmed support for "just transition pathways", which will help African countries to move to low-carbon sustainable models. The initiatives discussed, committed to and drawn up under South Africa's G20 presidency all ensured that Africa's own issues, needs and projects were placed centre stage.

 South Africa's vision to make the G20 deliberations and outcomes resonate with the rest of the continent has resulted in strategic visibility for Africa. The themes of the year-long presidency - solidarity, equality and sustainability - framed South Africa's leadership around wider issues of development and inclusivity. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was a continuous central theme throughout South Africa's 2025 presidency, appearing in many statements, ministerial meetings, working groups and Africa-focused side meetings. The final declaration issued by the G20, read out by President Cyril Ramaphosa at the end of the Leaders' Summit, linked G20 trade and investment cooperation directly to AfCFTA implementation. It acknowledged that regional economic integration, including the AfCFTA, is a key enabler of economic growth, resilience, investment and development. The declaration noted a "G20 Africa Cooperation Agenda on Trade and Investment" promoted by the South African presidency. This is a voluntary and non-binding initiative that is not legally enforceable but provides a roadmap for cooperation and investment. The aim is to mobilise investment into Africa's productive sectors including manufacturing, agriculture, pharmaceuticals and critical minerals and into infrastructure, with an emphasis on regional infrastructure. The agenda, which includes many existing initiatives, will be overseen by the African Union (AU) and African Development Bank. Africa had an additional voice at the table through the membership of the African Union, this year represented by Angola's president as the current chair of the bloc. The AU's first summit was in 2024 under Brazil's presidency. South Africa has long pressed for the reform of global financial institutions, greater representation of the Global South, and recognition of Africa's economic weight. It was a founding member of the G20 in 1999, chosen on the basis of it being the most sophisticated and diversified economy on the continent. It has, over the past few years, pushed for AU membership to enhance the continent's voice. The lobbying was successful and in 2023, at the G20 summit in India, the AU was granted permanent membership. Among the representatives of 42 countries and institutions that attended the Leaders' Summit in Johannesburg were many presidents from other African countries, including Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Egypt, Namibia and Ethiopia. Ramaphosa met many of them on the sidelines of the main event and in other forums to ensure the G20 legacy is aligned to African development aspirations, the government said. Nigeria hosted a G20 Africa Outreach Meeting on Industrialisation and Agriculture, the first G20 meeting outside South Africa during the year. Common issues for Africa The AfCTA is a central thread that has run through discussions that touched on many of the projects and initiatives announced by and around the G20, covering many other common issues affecting the whole continent. These include industrialisation, climate funding, debt sustainability and the reform of global financial institutions, which aims to ease the burden on African countries and promote growth and development. South Africa established cross-cutting G20 task forces on issues that matter for Africa such as inclusive economic growth, food security and artificial intelligence. Inequality was a key theme at the event. South Africa commissioned an Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts on Global Inequality, chaired by Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, which produced the G20's first-ever report on global inequality. South Africa, Namibia, Botswana and Zimbabwe are among the most unequal countries in the world and the Stiglitz report found that global inequality is worsening, with the wealthiest 1% capturing 41% of all new wealth between 2020 and 2024, and the bottom 50% only 1%. The Africa Engagement Framework is another continental initiative driven under the G20. A multi-year initiative, it is intended to deepen and institutionalise G20 support for Africa's economic and financial development. This also underpins the essence of the AfCFTA. The goal of this legacy initiative is to align G20 financial and economic support with African development priorities - not just on a project-by-project basis, but through coordinated, systemic engagement. It was officially endorsed by G20 finance ministers and central bank governors in October 2025, and South Africa has committed to coordinating and resourcing the initiative until 2030. A complementary initiative, the G20 Compact with Africa, founded in 2017, entered its second phase (2025-2033) at the Johannesburg event and new financing was pledged to mobilise investment in Africa and support structural and business climate reforms. Member countries in Africa must meet reform criteria in order to benefit from it. Zambia and Angola are the newest members, while the World Bank and the African Development Bank act as coordinators and facilitators. Legacy projects Industrialisation was another key platform, focusing largely on critical minerals. South Africa advanced a critical minerals initiative that emphasises value addition, beneficiation, and inclusive supply chains, rather than just extraction. The G20 Critical Minerals Framework emanated from the South African process. It is a voluntary blueprint for international cooperation and provides a template for African countries to follow in pursuing opportunities related to critical minerals. The Ubuntu Legacy Initiative is yet another Africa-focused legacy project to catalyse cross-border infrastructure development, including a toolkit produced by the African Development Bank. Climate issues were a large part of the final G20 leaders' declaration. Issues raised were the need to scale up climate finance, build capacity and transfer technology to developing countries, which would help African nations access more concessional, climate-focused funding. South Africa elevated disaster resilience (especially climate-induced natural disasters) to a leadership issue in the G20, arguing strongly that vulnerable countries (many in Africa) need more support. The summit's final declaration committed the G20 to investing in disaster finance mechanisms such as insurance, risk pools, catastrophe bonds and contingent credit to help countries facing increasing climate-related disasters. It also reaffirmed support for "just transition pathways", which will help African countries to move to low-carbon sustainable models. The initiatives discussed, committed to and drawn up under South Africa's G20 presidency all ensured that Africa's own issues, needs and projects were placed centre stage.

2 December, 2025  Share this: • facebook • twitter • email • print 19 November 2025, Belém, Brazil: Leaders from African Island States called for the fast-tracked operationalization of the AISCC Regional Co-Investment Platform for Climate Finance and the Blue Economy as a key mechanism to scale climate finance, strengthen ocean governance, and foster regional collaboration, during the UNFCCC COP30 High-Level Dialogue on “Charting a Resilient Future for African Island States and SIDS: Accelerating Climate Finance and the Blue Economy.” Jointly organized by the Governments of Seychelles and Guinea-Bissau, the African Island States Climate Commission (AISCC), and ECA, the event marked a significant step toward implementing the Guinea-Bissau Pathway, advancing the RESIslands Initiative, and operationalizing the Regional Co-Investment Platform. The Platform is designed to mobilize predictable, programmatic finance and strengthen multi-country climate and blue economy projects. The Dialogue highlighted the growing role of African Island States within the global climate agenda at COP30. It brought together ministers, ambassadors, and heads of delegations from   Small Island Developing States (SIDS), along with climate fund heads, UN agencies, and development partners. The United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for the Ocean, ambassador Peter Thomson, delivered the keynote opening remarks, highlighting the strategic leadership of island nations at the intersection of the climate and ocean crises. He emphasized global responsibility, declaring, “African Island States and SIDS sit on the frontline of the climate and ocean crises, but they are also sources of solutions—stewards of vital marine ecosystems and champions of the blue economy.” He called for predictable and scaled financing to match the ambition and urgency demonstrated by island governments in implementing resilience and ocean sustainability commitments. Welcoming remarks were delivered by the Director of the Climate, Food Security and Natural Resources Division at ECA, Cosmas Ochieng, who recognized the leadership of the AISCC and the strong commitment of African Island States. He underscored the collective responsibility of the region and its partners, stating, “This dialogue is an opportunity to collectively address SIDS challenges, share solutions, and accelerate the actions needed to safeguard your communities and economies.” Ochieng reaffirmed ECA’s commitment to supporting island states through the RESIslands Initiative, which strengthens institutional capacity, resilience planning, early warning systems, and regional coordination. James Kinyangi of the African Development Bank and Samuel Ogallah of the African Union Commission also reflected on the region’s shared climate pressures and the importance of strengthened institutions to access and deploy climate finance effectively. Member States shared perspectives on the region’s vulnerabilities and determination. Representing the Union of Comoros, the Deputy Director for Environment spoke on behalf of the Minister of Environment and Tourism, Aboubacar Ben Mahamoud, noting that “climate resilience is no longer an option; it is a collective responsibility and a survival imperative.” His remarks urged multilateral funds to simplify access procedures and support the Platform so that island states can act at the speed the crisis demands. In the message from the Minister of Environment and Sustainable Development of Madagascar, Michaël R. Manesimana, it was emphasized that Madagascar’s rich ecosystems remain under severe climate stress, highlighting a need for sustained, coordinated investment. The message noted that “as the impacts of climate change intensify, this Co-Investment Platform represents a strategic opportunity to accelerate bankable blue economy projects and strengthen regional cooperation.” The Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Cabo Verde to the United Nations, Tania Romualdo, reflected on recent extreme weather events affecting her country and called for collective solutions beyond national borders, including the Regional Co-Investment Platform. “What small island states are facing is not an abstract projection but the frontline of the climate crisis,” she emphasized, adding that “the operationalization of the AISCC Regional Co-Investment Platform is an important step toward correcting structural imbalances in access to climate finance and enabling programmatic, multi-country solutions tailored to the realities of island states.” Maria Antonieta Alves Lopes, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Guinea-Bissau to the African Union, highlighted the country’s growing exposure to coastal erosion, rising seas, and saltwater intrusion. She welcomed the momentum generated by the RESIslands Initiative and affirmed that “its integrated approach—combining institutional capacity building, risk management tools, knowledge exchange and concept notes development—responds directly to our national priorities.” She confirmed Guinea-Bissau’s full commitment to advancing the Co-Investment Platform. Speaking on behalf of Equatorial Guinea, the UNFCCC National Focal Point, Pedro Malavo, emphasized the urgency of global recognition for the country’s island status. He stated, “Equatorial Guinea seeks to be formally recognized as a Small Island Developing State,” noting that such recognition is essential for accessing climate finance aligned with its unique vulnerabilities. He also expressed his country’s support for the Regional Co-Investment Platform for African Island States. The partner reflections segment brought together key SIDS climate partners, including Mathilde Bord-Laurans of the Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage, Catherine Koffman of the Green Climate Fund, Rawleston Moore of the Global Environment Facility, Neha Sharma of the Adaptation Fund, Chitembo Kawimbe Chunga of the Climate Investment Funds, and Tim Hemmings, the United Kingdom Special Envoy for SIDS. They reaffirmed their commitment to supporting African Island States through greater flexibility, streamlined access to funding, enhanced readiness support, and alignment with island priorities, emphasizing that resilience, adaptation, and blue economy financing must be scaled rapidly to meet the urgency of the moment. Closing the event, the Director General for Environment of Seychelles Justin Proper, on behalf of Chair of the AISCC, underscored the significance of coordinated island leadership, asserting that African Island States “have a clear roadmap for resilience and a united voice at COP30.” He highlighted the ongoing importance of implementing the Guinea-Bissau Pathway and the RESIslands Initiative, as well as the transformative potential of the AISCC Regional Co-Investment Platform for long-term action. The High-Level Dialogue demonstrated strong support for the AISCC Regional Co-Investment Platform, which is designed to support national and regional institutions in accessing and managing climate finance, consolidating co-financing mechanisms, strengthening project pipeline development, expanding partnerships, and mobilizing investment for adaptation, resilience, and sustainable ocean-based economies. The Dialogue also called for renewed commitment to coordinated climate diplomacy, enhanced access to finance, and strengthened blue economy development across the region. The AISCC, established by the African Union and chaired by Seychelles with Guinea-Bissau as vice-chair, is recognized as a critical continental mechanism for ensuring that African Island States articulate a unified voice within global climate and development agendas. Through its coordination role, the Commission has become a principal entry point for island-specific resilience strategies and blue economy partnerships. The AISCC Regional Co-Investment Platform is expected to serve as a transformative financing mechanism, enabling African Island States to move from project-by-project engagement to structured, long-term investment strategies. Issued by:
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 On a recent trip to one of my favourite places on this beleaguered planet, the Kruger National Park (KNP), a few sightings niggled me. One was a tourist with an enormous camera lens, standing on a riverbank, photographing a giant heron. Code of misconduct: tourists in the Kruger National Park push the limits with their irresponsible behaviour at a game sighting. (Photo: Kruger Sightings / David Botha) Another was a merry band of travellers at a close lion sighting with one young woman perched on the vehicle’s window ledge, camera at the ready, her back to the bushveld behind her. And, of course, in both instances it was All About The Photo (and it is illegal and potentially dangerous, with both miscreants completely unfazed by us law-abiding killjoys). advertisement Don’t want to see this? Remove ads Consider recent footage on social media. Kruger-Park-related Facebook groups are awash with photos of tourists engaging in irresponsible, often illegal, behaviour such as getting out of their cars, driving off-road, speeding or cramming around sightings. A furious Nick Kleer, professional safari guide and wildlife photographer, vented on Instagram at the sight of dozens of open safari vehicles crowding the banks of the Mara River in the Serengeti, blocking the crucial migratory and escape path of wildebeest crossing the crocodile-infested waters (some of them, with nowhere to go, fell back into the river). And, crammed in front of and on top of the vehicles, were dozens of camera-wielding tourists excitedly waiting to film the carnage. A famous crossing point along the Mara River called 'The Peninsula', or 'U'. It sees some dramatic and dusty crossings — in each direction — each year. It is also one of the crossing points that has historically been really badly affected by cars from the Maasai Mara National Reserve side. (Photo: Adam Bannister Wildlife) Other footage, by professional guide, photographer and guide trainer, Adam Bannister, shows a huge number of game-viewing vehicles thundering across the Mara plains in an insane race for prime parking at a river crossing, so guests can witness the legendary Great Migration. And then, who has not seen the astonishing footage from Botswana of the enraged elephant bearing down on tourists in a too-close mokoro? That is not the astounding part. Rather, it is the surreal sight of tourists filming the incident as the tusker literally bore down on them, upending the vessel in protective fury. And still they filmed… advertisement Don’t want to see this? Remove ads This is where we are now — wildlife viewed as entertainment. The ultimate goal? Content creation — often accompanied by bad behaviour — to garner ever more “likes” and “shares” on social media. Bannister laments the trend where anyone with a camera or smartphone either wants to mimic or better the photos of wild animals that flood social feeds. “Social media has badly damaged wildlife, and our appreciation and respect for wildlife. And there are a handful of wildlife photographers who have also played a large part in destroying ethical wildlife viewing. Social media has changed animals from sentient beings that were to be respected, into Instagram cannon fodder. They are objects that are there for likes and shares; things that get you noticed.” He says the original African safari bucket list, the Big Five, is no longer about just sightings of animals. “It has now evolved from seeing a lion into now seeing a lion doing something that you know Instagram and TikTok will respond to, something that will trigger the algorithm.” An off-road tourist brazenly engages with a lioness by sticking his arm out his open window for a close-up photo opportunity in the Kruger Natioal Park. (Photo: Kruger Sightings / Facebook) South African National Parks (SANParks), the governing body of the Kruger National Park, has noted with concern the increase in unlawful behaviour. Rey Thakhuli, general manager of communications, told Daily Maverick: “We have seen this irresponsible behaviour by visitors, and this is a worrying factor, which we discourage. This is more like one signing their death warrant, particularly those getting out their vehicles in an area full of wild animals. “The importance of responsible behaviour cannot be overemphasised. Those who would like to report unbecoming behaviour should be willing to write a statement and provide photographic or any type of evidence, if possible, so action can be taken.” advertisement Don’t want to see this? Remove ads There is no denying it: wildlife tourism in Africa is a multibillion-dollar industry, and the dollar-wielding tourists keep on coming on trains, planes and automobiles (and yes, even Uber Safaris are now a thing). More and more of them are flocking to areas that are increasingly under strain from overtourism, greed and lack of respect. They also bring with them huge expectations, as glossy websites tempt them with magnificent pictures of magnificent animals in magnificent settings. Many are beguiled into believing that the game sightings will be exclusively theirs to witness. The clamouring for footage of wild animals is also just part of the multi-layered, complicated issue that is conservation, which needs a multi-pronged approach to resolve. At the heart of it is land management, which is crucial for the protection of wilderness areas by balancing human use (local communities, poaching, development, tourism etc) with conservation goals. Three’s a crowd, four’s a traffic jam. Users rave about motorhomes and their inbuilt comfort, coffee on the go and elevated viewing, but it’s a less positive experience for others whose views are blocked by the large frames. (Photo: Robyn von Gesau ) Conservationists and developers are no doubt paying close attention this month to a David vs Goliath scenario playing out in a Kenyan courtroom where a conservation activist will hear whether his bid to stop the controversial luxury Ritz-Carlton, Maasai Mara Safari Camp’s scheduled opening is successful. Meitamei Olol Dapash, from the Maasai Education, Research and Conservation Institute, argues that the development obstructs a vital migration corridor between Maasai Mara and Tanzania’s Serengeti. advertisement Don’t want to see this? Remove ads An online petition platform says the development would “irreversibly damage critical wildlife pathways and disrupt the delicate balance that has existed for centuries between the Maasai people and the animals they have protected”. It accuses this project of prioritising “luxury profits over ecological survival and cultural sovereignty”. Dave Hamman, a concession owner and operator at Botswana’s Chitabe Camp, likens the current situation in the safari industry to “a whirlpool”. “Gone are the days when most people who came to the bush were interested in the bush, when they were birders and adventurers. Now the most important thing is whether there is a coffee machine and what the menu is. Everything has changed.”  Adam Bannister and members of the guiding team at ‘The Hilldana’, a small lodge in the Taita Hills of southeastern Kenya. (Photo: Adam Bannister Wildlife) And with it so has, in many places, the quality of guiding. “As more and more people head to wilderness areas, marginal operations spring up. But often, these in turn employ less experienced guides, many of them also in search of more ‘likes’, and so the whirlpool starts — and it is hard to get off. One thing pushes the other, and you get lower and lower and closer to the drain.” It’s no secret that many guests place immense pressure on safari guides — with offers of huge tips as leverage — to deliver more and more, to go off-road, to chase game, always in pursuit of footage. “I get it all the time,” said Bannister. “I've now been a guide for almost 20 years, and I feel confident in myself and my role as a professional to be able to say no. I believe I can get myself out of almost all situations. However, in my time with guide training and with guides, especially those who are new, that’s where the real issue starts because they don’t yet have that confidence and ability to say ‘no’ to a guest. That takes time to develop and instil.” He adds that a big problem in a lot of reserves are private guides who accompany tour parties. They rely on social media for business and deliberately seek out the least experienced local guides — someone that they can manipulate or pressure. They don’t want someone who is strong enough to say ‘no’. And all too often it is money that talks, where guests will offer to pay any fines the reserve guides may be subject to, even offering to “speak to the owners of the camp, we’ll make it our fault”. Hamman says they have strict protocols in place at Chitabe with their guides, all of whom have a deep sense of ethical game viewing, and why, in the long run, it is for the benefit of all. “We’ve always said to our guides: you are in charge of that vehicle. And we will support you 100% if a guest complains that you refused a request.” For Hamman the number one rule for a guide is “respect” — primarily for the animal and the environment. And if that means a guide feels a vehicle is disturbing a sighting — particularly where cubs are involved — the guides will make a “do not disturb” call. Respect, however, does not start and end with the guides. It starts with each person who encounters a wild animal or enters a wilderness space. As ethical game viewing becomes ever more topical, part of Bannister’s mission is to encourage more honest footage. “I find a very bizarre scenario unfolding whereby people are no longer really telling the truth on social media. They are trying to just encapsulate this idea of ‘Oh well, I’m the only one with this tiger; I’m the only one watching this crossing,’ but they’re not. They are trying to give the perception that they are there alone, so no one is really showing the truth. “My big drive is to try to start encouraging people, especially those with influence from a social media point of view, to start showing the truth, instead of showing just the leopard sitting on the rock. Zoom out and show the hundred cars looking at the leopard on the rock. Because, although it doesn’t make a great image of a beautiful leopard, it makes a very realistic image of what is going on in the year 2025.” A fingers-crossed byproduct of the social media exposure has been announcements by both Kenyan and Tanzanian authorities for action plans to streamline park regulations, improve visitor management, enforce disciplinary action against tour operators and guides violating rules, and launch awareness campaigns. It remains to be seen how this plays out. Decades ago, at a distant high school desk, I had the words of Wordsworth, who loved to wander among daffodils, drilled into me: “The world is too much with us”, where he mourns the modern world’s obsession with “getting and spending”, materialism over nature. That was in 1802. It is 223 years later. We need to stop and smell the grassy scent of elephant dung instead of careening over it and killing the dung beetles. We need to feel the thrill of the steady gaze of a wild animal through our eyes and not a camera lens. And we need to educate, through and with respect, that less can mean a whole lot more when it comes to game viewing and safaris. DM *Rey Thakhuli of SANParks says: It is unfortunate our law enforcement officials cannot always be everywhere due to the size of the Kruger Park. To assist us, people must make use of our emergency numbers 013 735 0197 or 076 801 9679 to report any infringement of rules. Staff will alert the closest law enforcement so offenders can be caught in the act. Alternatively, report the matter to the nearest camp reception/ranger station. Robyn von Geusau is a Cape Town-based writer who heads north to the bushveld as often as possible.

 A pharmacist holds a vial of lenacapavir, described as a "breakthrough" HIV prevention drug, at a research site in South Africa. Nardus Engelbrecht/AP Five months after a "breakthrough" HIV prevention drug got approval in the United States and became available in many wealthy countries, it's getting rolled out in two African countries hit especially hard by the disease. On Wednesday, the U.S. State Department announced that Eswatini and Zambia have each received 500 doses of lenacapavir, a drug manufactured by Gilead Sciences that's been hailed as by Science as a "breakthrough." Just two injections a year provide near-complete protection against an HIV infection. "This is somewhat unprecedented, to see an innovation in global health move this fast to low- and middle-income countries," says Mitchell Warren, the executive director of AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition (AVAC), a global HIV prevention organization. "Obviously very small supplies, really just a down payment, but they're the first of what we think to be many doses in these two countries and in other countries." The delivered doses mark the first small step toward providing at least 2 million doses to the highest burden countries, largely in Africa, by 2028. That's the goal of the Global Fund, a major donor to combating HIV, tuberculosis and malaria, along with Gilead Sciences and the State Department. But the breakthrough drug arrives "just as we've seen some of the most dramatic political and economic challenges in the AIDS response," says Warren. In addition to likely increasing the overall HIV burden because of disrupted care, Warren says the Trump administration's foreign aid cuts have damaged some of the very systems and programs best positioned to deliver lenacapavir to the people most in need of protection. "We are starting from a deficit that we didn't have to, that was a making entirely of the U.S. government's own." Rapid delivery The State Department announced its investment in lenacapavir in September, pledging to provide up to 2 million doses by 2028. "We think we're going to hit that target sometime in mid- to early 2027 [and] we're going to be procuring more than half a million doses collectively next year," said Jeremy Lewin, a senior official for Foreign Assistance, Humanitarian Affairs and Religious Freedom at the State Department, at a press briefing this week. The 500 doses are being provided by Gilead at cost, with no profit going to the company, according to CEO Daniel O'Day. The company plans to cover up to 2 million doses total before licensed generic manufacturers get up and running, but it's not clear how many doses they currently have on hand. "We do have supply to send to markets when they have the appropriate regulatory approval, and replenishment for Eswatini and Zambia," he said in the briefing. Since FDA gave lenacapavir the thumbs up in June (followed by World Health Organization and European Medicines Agency in July), Gilead has been applying for regulatory approvals across sub-Saharan Africa. So far, Zambia and South Africa have approved the drug (Lewin said the U.S. was not planning to fund doses of lenacapavir to South Africa, which would be encouraged "to fund doses for their own population." Eswatini's ministry of health issued a separate import authorization, their version of approval. Where will the drug go next? The company has filed for approval in Botswana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe, with more in the works, said O'Day. "We continue to prioritize 18 high burden countries representing 70% of the HIV epidemic." Of course, delivery is only the first step. To curb the epidemic, doses, which are injected into the abdomen or thigh, have to get to the people who need them. Health ministries will be primarily responsible for that. But in many cases, governments have relied on community organizations and non-governmental organizations for help. Lewin, of the State Department, said that's part of the U.S. America First Global Health Strategy's effort to boost national government's "self-reliance." Still, many health systems have relied on outside organizations that have been defunded or diminished by the Trump administration's foreign aid cuts, says Warren. That includes one his organization, AVAC, helped implement. The program was aimed at boosting health systems capacity to deliver injectable HIV drugs, like lenacapavir, which can be trickier to distribute than pills. It was frozen in January, he says, and hasn't gotten back up to full speed. "If you don't have the program that meets people where they are, then those doses aren't going to get used," says Warren. "There's a lot of history of global health products that everyone thinks are exciting, and then they sit in store rooms because we didn't build the program to deliver them."

The Court of Appeal has dismissed the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority’s challenge to paying compensation to the Bobete community in Thaba-Tseka. Photo: Sechaba Mokhethi • The Court of Appeal has ordered the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority to pay compensation owed since 2013 to more than 600 villagers in Bobete whose livelihoods were disrupted by construction of the Katse Dam. • The court ruled that the authority cannot use internal policies and consultants reports to override its constitutional duty to compensate communities, and condemned its failure to consult villagers before unilaterally stopping payment in 2013. • The authority has 90 days to pay. The Lesotho Highlands Development Authority (LHDA) has lost its fight to avoid paying long-overdue compensation to the Bobete community in Thaba-Tseka. On 7 November, the Court of Appeal dismissed LHDA’s challenge and upheld a High Court order compelling it to pay. The ruling forces the LHDA to release a “second and final tranche” of compensation, owed since 2013 to the U Khopo Maliba-Matšo Society, which means “You are cruel, Maliba-Matšo river”. The river is the waterway to the dam. The group of more than 600 villagers had their livelihoods disrupted by the construction of the Katse Dam under the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP). Chief Justice Sakoane ruled that the LHDA cannot rely on internal policies or technical reports to override its constitutional and statutory duty to compensate communities affected by dam construction and diminished river flows. That obligation, the court held, arises from the Constitution, the LHWP Treaty, and the LHDA Order, and is not a matter of bureaucratic discretion. A legal duty, not a policy choice Villagers in Bobete lost access to vital communal resources that include riverine ecosystems, firewood, fish, wild vegetable and medicinal plants, and grazing land after the construction of the Katse and Mohale dams. The LHDA paid a first tranche of compensation for “presumed losses” in 2003/4. Its own policy required a second tranche after a ten-year review in 2013. But the LHDA unilaterally stopped the 2013 payment, citing a consultant’s monitoring report that claimed there was “no evidence” of compensable losses. The court found this defence unlawful and fundamentally misguided since a policy cannot replace constitutional rights. Justice Sakoane anchored the judgment in three binding legal obligations: the Constitution’s requirement for full and prompt compensation when people’s property or livelihoods are affected; the LHWP Treaty’s guarantee that communities must not see their living standards fall below pre-project levels; and the LHDA’s statutory duty to compensate and assist all people displaced or harmed by the project. Unilateral decisions A central flaw was LHDA’s failure to consult the community. The consultant’s report revealed that no village meeting took place in Bobete, because the community had not been properly notified. “Its [LHDA] decision to discontinue compensation without meaningful engagement of the affected communities was, therefore, not only procedurally unfair but also substantively unlawful,” said Court of Appeal Judge President Kananelo Mosito. The court condemned LHDA’s “elitist and unilateralist” approach. Chief Justice Sakoane said fairness demanded that the villagers should have been heard and given the opportunity, perhaps with expert assistance, to challenge the high-level technical reports that formed the basis for denying them compensation. The LHDA also failed to fulfil the statutory requirements of the LHDA Order, which obliges it to submit compensation-related proposals to the minister for approval. The court found no evidence that the decision to stop compensation was ever put to the minister for approval. The Bobete community was not even informed of LHDA’s decision to discontinue payment; they discovered it only through court papers when the LHDA submitted its answering affidavits. “Compensation delayed is compensation denied” The court found that compensation due in 2013 was still outstanding over a decade later, violating the Constitution’s requirement of prompt payment. President Mosito noted that a decade-late payment is, “in practical terms, compensation denied”. The court emphasised that this delay inevitably impacted the standard of living of the society’s members, contrary to the foundational principle of the LHWP Treaty and Act that compensation should maintain pre-project living standards. The appeal was dismissed with costs, upholding the high court order. LHDA now has 90 days to pay the Bobete community what they have been owed for more than a decade. The amount to be paid is yet to be known.   TOPICS:  Water © 2025 GroundUp. This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. You may republish this article, so long as you credit the authors and GroundUp, and do not change the text. Please include a link back to the original article. We put an invisible pixel in the article so that we can count traffic to republishers. All analytics tools are solely on our servers. We do not give our logs to any third party. Logs are deleted after two weeks. 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• The ‘Extraordinary Committee’ of independent experts – appointed by President Ramaphosa – submits the G20’s first-ever report on global inequality today • The Committee above all urges the creation of a new ‘International Panel on Inequality’ to inform policymaking internationally and by governments – inspired by the IPCC • New analysis published in the report shows that between 2000 and 2024, the world’s top 1% captured 41% of all new wealth, while just 1% went to the bottom 50%, amid growing concerns about democratic capture associated with wealth concentration The “Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts on Global Inequality” – commissioned by President Cyril Ramaphosa for South Africa’s Presidency of the G20 – today unveiled the first-ever report on inequality to the G20. The Committee is chaired by Nobel Prize-winning economist Professor Joseph Stiglitz and joined by five other leading global experts. The report follows consultation with leading economists and inequality experts across the world. The Committee’s key recommendation is the creation of a new international and independent panel – inspired by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) – that would monitor trends and assess its drivers and consequences and evaluate alternative policies for addressing it, to inform governments,  policy makers, and the international community. Their report offers a snapshot of the forces giving rise to inequality and the state of inequality. It comes amid heightening concern about ‘the global increase in incomes and wealth at the upper end of the scale’ and the increasing challenges large parts of the population face in making ends meet. In analyzing  policies that could help to alleviate inequality, the report focuses particularly at the international level, including to rein in corporate concentration and efforts to reform the international tax architecture that are already on the G20 agenda . The President of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa: “This report, which is a blueprint for greater equality, supports the goal of South Africa’s G20 Presidency to put inequality on the international agenda. Inequality is a betrayal of people’s dignity, an impediment to inclusive growth and a threat to democracy itself.  Addressing inequality is our inescapable generational challenge. This report lays out prudent and pragmatic steps we can take to reduce it.  “I congratulate Professor Stiglitz and his Extraordinary Committee of such renowned experts for this effort. I am looking forward to discussing this report at the G20 Leaders’ Summit in Johannesburg.”  Professor Joseph Stiglitz (USA), Nobel laureate in economics: “It is an honor for us to present this report to President Ramaphosa, and to the G20. The available evidence on inequality should concern leaders everywhere. The world understands that we have a climate emergency; it’s time we recognize that we face an inequality emergency too. It isn’t just unfair and undermining societal cohesion – it’s a problem for our economy and our politics too. Our committee felt strongly that some of the worst effects of inequality are on democracy. “The Committee’s work showed us that inequality is a crisis in need of concerted action. The necessary step to taking this action is for policymakers, political leaders, the private sector, journalists and academia to have accurate and timely information and analysis of the inequality crisis. This is why our recommendation above all is for a new International Panel on Inequality. It would learn from the remarkable job the IPCC has done for climate change, bringing together technical expertise worldwide to track inequality and assess what is driving it”. The report reviews and compares the latest data on the state of inequality, revealing: • 83% of all countries, accounting for 90% of the world’s population, meet the World Bank’s definition of high inequality. Countries with high inequality are seven times more likely to experience democratic decline than more equal countries. • The richest 1% captured 41% of new wealth since the year 2000, while the bottom 50% of humanity have increased their wealth by just 1%, using data from the World Inequality Lab. This means that the richest 1% have seen their average wealth rise by US$1.3m, while the bottom 50% have seen their wealth rise by just US$585 over the same period, in constant 2024 dollars. • Inequality between all individuals in the world has fallen in recent decades largely due to income growth in China, but the prospects for further reductions are uncertain. The overall income gap between Global North and Global South countries remains very high. • New data on the major increase in inherited wealth shows $70 trillion of wealth is expected to be handed down to heirs over the coming ten years, a major challenge to social mobility, fairness and equality of opportunity. The Committee highlights how inequality, particularly in the extremes, has many negative economic, political and societal outcomes, each interacting with the other in ways that exacerbate the adverse effects. High wealth inequality in particular undermines both democracy and economic progress. Recent events since 2020, including COVID-19, the Ukraine war and new tariffs and trade disputes since the beginning of 2025 are creating a ‘perfect storm’ which is further increasing poverty and inequality. One in four people worldwide now regularly skip meals, whilst billionaire wealth has now hit the highest level in history. The Report highlights how different policies could help to reduce inequality at the national and international levels, and notes the role that the G20 can play in facilitating global coordination: • Reforming international economic rules – redesigning intellectual property rules (especially relating to pandemics and climate change), rewriting tax rules to ensure fair taxation of multinationals and the ultra-wealthy (noting the UN Tax Convention). • National action – that can include exploring the roles of pro-worker regulation, reducing corporate concentration, taxing large capital gains, investing in public services, and more progressive tax and expenditure policies. • New models for cooperation – especially given current geopolitical volatility, exploring new efforts between countries, for instance on taxes, trade and the green transition. The Committee’s priority proposal for an IPI would be a ‘permanent legacy of the South African Presidency of the G20’. The technical body, centred on data and policy-relevant analysis, would be backed by ‘champion countries, with multilateral agencies as key stakeholders’. The six independent experts are Professor Joseph E. Stiglitz (USA); Dr Adriana E. Abdenur (Brazil); Ms Winnie Byanyima (Uganda); Professor Jayati Ghosh (India); Professor Imraan Valodia (South Africa); and Dr Wanga Zembe-Mkabile (South Africa). [End] Experts Professor Joseph Stiglitz (USA): a Nobel laureate in economics, university professor at Columbia University and chief economist of the Roosevelt Institute. Dr Adriana E. Abdenur (Brazil): a Brazilian social scientist, former Special Advisor in International Affairs in the office of President Lula of Brazil, co-founder of the Brazilian think tank Plataforma CIPÓ, and current co-President of the Global Fund for a New Economy (GFNE). Ms Winnie Byanyima (Uganda): Executive Director of UNAIDS and an Under-Secretary General of the United Nations, Convenor of the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS and Pandemics, and co-founder and co-chair of the People’s Medicines Alliance Professor Jayati Ghosh (India): Professor, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, and Co-Chair, International Commission for the Reform of International Corporate Taxation Professor Imraan Valodia (South Africa): Professor of Economics, Pro Vice-Chancellor: Climate, Sustainability and Inequality, and Director of the Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, University of the Witwatersrand (WITS) Dr Wanga Zembe-Mkabile (South Africa): Professor at the UWC School of Public Health and Senior Specialist Scientist  of the South African Medical Research Council. Notes to editors The President of South Africa will host a launch of the G20 Extraordinary Committee’s report in South Africa on 4 November 2025.  At the South Africa 2025 Joburg Summit, the Extraordinary Committee has been formally invited to present the report to the G20’s Leaders Meeting. The G20 “Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts on Global Inequality” is – as part of the G20 Sherpa Track – a special project located in the G20 Sherpa’s Office, in the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) of South Africa. The G20 comprises 19 countries including: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Türkiye, United Kingdom, and United States and two regional bodies, namely the European Union and the African Union. 1 G20 Global Inequality Report Summary 2 G20 Global Inequality Report Full and Summary 3 G20 Global Inequality Report  Technical note

Africa is expected to see a massive population boom in the next several decades. At the same time, the United States, China and European nations are pulling back their presence there in terms of aid, trade and investment. In this episode, the Opinion columnist Lydia Polgreen speaks with the former Times correspondent and bureau chief Howard French about the challenges facing Africa, the risk for global powers if they disengage from the continent and one 20th-century African leader’s vision for Black self-reliance that feels especially relevant today. Africa Is Rising. The World Shouldn’t Turn Its Back. Lydia Polgreen speaks to the former New York Times bureau chief Howard W. French about the cost of not engaging with Africa. Below is a transcript of an episode of “The Opinions.” We recommend listening to it in its original form for the full effect. You can do so using the player above or on the NYTimes app, Apple, Spotify, Amazon Music, YouTube, iHeartRadio or wherever you get your podcasts. Subscribe to The Times to read as many articles as you like. Lydia Polgreen is an Opinion columnist.

 A man in a suit stands below a golden symbol of Africa on the wall. Five green flags are to his left. A security guard stands at the entrance of the main plenary hall at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on Feb. 18, 2024. Michele Spatari/AFP via Getty Images When Cameroon’s 92-year-old president, Paul Biya, declared victory recently in his eighth election, the African Union issued a blandly worded statement of congratulations, largely passing over credible claims of irregularities and making no mention of the way that Biya has hollowed out democracy by clinging to power for more than 40 years. Around the same time, the AU put out a similar message congratulating another longtime incumbent, Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara, who—like Biya—has repeatedly changed his country’s constitution and electoral rules, allowing himself to stay in power since 2010. In last month’s election, Ouattara racked up an official tally of more than 90 percent of the vote, but only after barring top opposition candidates from the race. Meanwhile, the AU mustered only tepid reservations last week about Tanzania’s election, which was marked by strong signs of irregularity, followed by the violent suppression of protests that killed as many as 1,000 people, as well as a temporary internet shutdown. Lest one think that the AU’s near irrelevance is limited to questions of electoral democracy or even domestic governance, recent weeks have turned up equally abundant signs of the feebleness of the body’s voice in questions of international relations and global order. It has had little to say, for example, about the White House’s recent announcement that, out of all of the continent’s people, it will only prioritize accepting refugees who are white South Africans. Nor has it adopted a strong position about U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to deport undocumented people from the United States to African countries, regardless of whether they are from Africa. And similarly, it has not forcefully rebuked Washington’s sharp restrictions on travel visas that affect numerous countries on the continent. Arguably worse, the AU has not taken a strong stance against Trump’s recent threat to mount military strikes against Nigeria, where he claims—falsely—that there have been targeted mass killings of Christians by Muslims. Like several of its neighbors in the Sahel region of West Africa, northern Nigeria has long been ravaged by Islamist insurgencies that have terrorized and killed Muslims as indiscriminately as Christians. One may be tempted to ask why any of this matters, given the tableau of grave and unresolved problems that have bedeviled Africa in the decades since the huge wave of independence that swept the continent, largely beginning with Ghana in 1957. Yet what one might call Africa’s crisis of emergence, or the ability to stand strongly on its own two feet politically and economically, is far more than a matter of failed or underperforming national leadership alone. Of equal, or perhaps even greater, significance than national politics is the fact that Africa has never managed to build a continental system of governance, security, and economic cooperation that would not only help boost the continent’s prospects internally but also represent and defend its interests much more strongly on the international stage. The unique circumstances in which Africa entered the international community as a collection of independent states help explain why the continent is in need of such a system today. Although all African countries were endowed with presidential or prime ministerial systems at independence, with their own flags, currencies, and national anthems, for historic reasons, African countries were unusually weak and fragile from the outset. To understand this, one must go back to the very design of Africa’s nation-states. With few exceptions, these borders were traced early in the imperial era—not by Africans, who were granted no say, but by the European powers that formalized the carving up of the continent in order to exploit them, at the Berlin Conference of 1884-85. This lack of African participation in the continent’s political configuration was the first of a series of debilitating wounds whose impact lingers strongly today. As European powers undertook colonial rule, they focused on building systems of extraction far more than development. Initially, this meant using forced labor—a halfway house between slavery and freedom—to produce fibers, tropical oils, minerals, foodstuffs, and other commodities to fuel European industrialization and consumption, as opposed to generating income to reinvest in Africa itself. Not only did colonial powers do little to boost African prosperity, but the scant infrastructure they built was also generally aimed at meeting Europe’s needs, not the continent’s. Roads and rails went more or less directly from places where goods for the West were produced to ports that would evacuate them to these distant markets. Connecting African population centers in these colonies was, at best, an afterthought. What was neglected altogether was connecting African colonies across imperially drawn borders. By independence, what this left was a collection of several dozen mostly small, poor, and mutually isolated countries, many of them landlocked, with little opportunity to trade with each other or build larger, stronger markets that would facilitate industrialization and greater wealth creation through economic integration and regional trade. Some of Africa’s early leaders understood this dilemma well and saw the need to build the powerful Organization of African Unity (OAU)—the precursor of today’s AU—as an engine of economic growth through integration and a means of articulating and defending the continent’s interests in a world that had long exploited it economically and dominated it politically. The strongest advocate of such an approach was Ghana’s first independence leader, Kwame Nkrumah, who articulated this vision at the OAU’s founding conference, which was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in 1963. This is a story that I tell in my new book, The Second Emancipation: Nkrumah, Pan-Africanism, and Global Blackness at High Tide. But Nkrumah’s vision of accelerated continental integration—one driven by a powerful supranational body that would draw inspiration from the United States’ Constitutional Convention, which had allowed 13 British colonies to eventually form a single country—was rejected by his fellow heads of state. Many of them considered Nkrumah’s vision impractical, and some suspected that his true motivation was a play for power in which he could lead the continent. The most fundamental reason that Nkrumah’s ideas were rejected in my view, though, had to do with the irresistible lure of the many perquisites that came with leading a newborn state. Building an effective supranational body to defend Africa’s interests on a continental level would have required governing elites to surrender some of their newly won power and opportunities for wealth—ones that often came through graft and corruption, including by tapping extraction-based revenue streams that once went exclusively to the West. The results for Africa have been fateful and overwhelmingly negative. Instead of defending African interests on the world stage, the OAU and, later, the AU instead became a back-scratching club of heads of state. On the one hand, the body has never been able to develop a meaningful voice on the issues of democracy and human rights, including by articulating standards of its own that it is prepared to defend. This has led to it accepting rulers who perpetuate their power through hollow or rigged elections and doing little more than emitting a “tsk tsk” when civil societies are violently suppressed as regimes slide toward dictatorship, as has recently happened in Tanzania. The AU’s inaction means that African crises of violence are allowed to fester, as has long been the case with the war in eastern Congo, where Rwanda has supported rebel militias in what is widely understood to be a bid to control some of its neighbor’s vast mineral wealth. The same is true with the lack of any meaningful continental response to the alarming spread of Islamic insurgencies in West Africa or the ongoing civil war in Sudan. It also means that Africa continues to be woefully lacking in integrated markets and international infrastructure, such as a continental highway system and energy grids. Both of these weigh heavily on the continent’s economic performance. And it means that Africa is almost voiceless on the international stage, as seen in the examples above involving refugees, access to international travel, and freedom from bullying. Perhaps the strongest evidence of a need for a strong continental organization, though, comes from outside of Africa. The European Union, a collection of rich and relatively prosperous states, came together and expanded out of an understanding that the continent needed to defend its interests in a world of much larger and more powerful states—notably, the United States, Russia, and China. It seems self-evident that if Europeans felt a need for integration and supranational representation, even with their high relative state of development, then African countries—which are much poorer, weaker, and balkanized—need this kind of unity all the more.

This story was produced in partnership with the Pulitzer Center. MUTARE, ZIMBABWE — Insectary assistants collect the specimens by sucking into a straw-like pump. But they don't mistakenly swallow any, joked senior insectary assistant Petro Kawadza during a demonstration. It’s part of the critical service a malaria research center at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe provides to the whole nation. This collection of hundreds of female mosquitoes goes to the Zimbabwe Ministry of Health and Child Care to test the effectiveness of mosquito repellent. Fanuel Toto, insectary assistant, works on transferring female mosquitos to a container using a suction tube in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. This program at the United Methodist Church-affiliated Africa University, officially called the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme (ZESMCP), is the chief malaria research program of its kind in the whole country. And in March, it came to a screeching halt. “It was traumatic, if I can put it that way,” entomologist specialist Hieronymo Masendu said, referring to President Donald Trump’s administration shutting down USAID. But the center is up and running today due to an emergency cash flow the center received from the UMC General Board of Global Ministries. The UMC is historically Nashville-based. The past six months have been a witness to the hardship a critical medical service faced in the wake of USAID’s termination and of faith-based organizations stepping in to fill the gap. Violla Chimwayi, insectary assistant, carries a tray of mosquito pupa and larva in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. “It means a lot for us. It’s not usual that you have the church funding a research center like in this manner,” Masendu said. “It’s the first of its kind as far as I’m concerned.” Masendu said it’s unlikely the center would have received this funding if not for its affiliation with Africa University, which houses the center on its campus. The university even provided the bricks that went toward the center’s construction, an enterprise that began in 2017 with USAID funding. In 2021, the center received a three-year grant from USAID as part of the U.S. President’s Malaria Initiative. In September 2024, it received a one-year extension of that grant. Under its new grant it received from the UMC General Board of Global Ministries, the malaria center needs to show progress with the distribution of mosquitoes it’s raising and of insecticide resistance it’s raising the mosquitoes to test. “The ball is now in our court,” Masendu said. “We want to take advantage of that and prove our worth.” The UMC and schooling in Zimbabwe: As fracturing harms UMC brand, how a Zimbabwe high school displays pride in denomination Maintaining a mosquito colony The malaria center is responsible for two groups of mosquitoes. One group comes from collections at local streams. The other group, they grow. In one room, Kawadza feeds the mosquitoes with a rabbit, whose back he’s shaven. The mosquitoes then lay eggs, and the eggs are brought into a second room. In that room, insectary assistant Violla Chimyni then oversees the hatching of the larvae and their development into pupae. Violla Chimwayi, insectary assistant, works on separating mosquito pupa from larva in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. Since the center received its first colony in 2017, it’s now on its 244th generation. The need for both categories of mosquitoes is to test insecticide resistance. “The biggest threat is insecticide resistance,” Masendu said. “So, you do everything according to the book, but you still get malaria cases. And you start asking questions. One of the biggest questions is: are the mosquitoes responding to the chemical as expected?” This testing is done in two different ways, both of which occur during the peak malaria season – typically, from October through December. The first type of test is when government health officials come to center at Africa University and spray 10 mosquitoes in a special cone. All 10 mosquitoes should be dead within 24 hours. The other testing is when the center provides hundreds of mosquitoes to the health ministry to use to continue testing the effectiveness of insecticide. Insectary assistant Fanuel Toto collects those hundreds every week using the pump. Fanuel Toto, insectary assistant, works on transferring female mosquitos to a container using a suction tube in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. This work is critical to informing the Zimbabwe government whether it can continue using the same insecticide or if it needs to purchase a different one, a costly endeavor. When there are fewer than five cases of malaria per a population of 1,000, the health ministry stops spraying insecticide within those communities and transitions its residents to using mosquito nets. “We have made tremendous progress to the point we are now talking about eliminating malaria in Zimbabwe,” Masendu said. Other reporting from Zimbabwe: What a United Methodist conference in Zimbabwe says about churches' desire to stay in UMC Maintain sustainable funding The malaria research center at Africa University is one of two organizations that oversee “sentinel sites” across the country that monitor mosquito populations and malaria transmission. But the other organization, a branch of the Zimbabwe health ministry, is suffering from poor funding and has had difficulty keeping pace with Masendu’s team. Masendu said that’s why it’s even more important his center is operating on all cylinders. But a stop work order in March in the wake of USAID closing torpedoed that momentum. Petros Kawadza, senior insectary assistant, works in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. “The transition, it was terrible. Not just the case for myself, but my colleagues as well,” Masendu said. “You have your career ahead of you and it’s disrupted.” The team of veteran researchers went months without pay or benefits. They were uncertain if they would ever return and were increasingly anxious about the nearing malaria season. The UMC General Board of Global Ministries grant relieved that anxiety, but only on a short-term basis. The grant lasts until March, allowing the center to get through peak malaria season. Assuming the center is able to show its continued success, it’s likely it will continue operating. Hundreds of mosquitos are seen inside of a container in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. “As long as we do our part and perform, I’m told we are assured of more funding coming from the UMC,” Masendu said. Liam Adams covers religion for The Tennessean, part of the USA TODAY Network. Reach him at ladams@tennessean.com or on social media @liamsadams. This article originally appeared on Nashville Tennessean: UMC resurrects Zimbabwe malaria research after USAID cuts

 Tanzania President Samia Suluhu Hassan. Michael Jamson/AFP via Getty Image In Tanzania, something snapped this year. Protests followed the 29 October 2025 elections. They are unprecedented in their scale, national breadth and political content since the country’s independence in 1961. But the repression unleashed by newly re-elected President Samia Suluhu Hassan has also been unprecedented. She has gone further than her autocratic predecessors in closing off the political space and silencing opposition figures. By putting her main rival Tundu Lissu on trial for treason and barring others from contesting the presidency, Hassan has crossed autocratic thresholds that other leaders have not. Activists have been arrested, brutalised or disappeared. The protests spread across a series of major cities and towns in Tanzania. However, an internet blackout created a fog of war in which details are difficult to ascertain. I am an assistant professor of politics at the University of Sussex. I have dedicated 11 years to studying Tanzania’s anti-authoritarian struggle. Amateur and professional coverage found its way through the internet blackout. What I see in this footage is anger and tragedy running through these protests, and the struggle of the anti-authoritarian movement at large. However, at least fleetingly, there has been hope as well. The anger is directed at the regime. It simultaneously focuses on Tanzanians’ material circumstances and what they see as the political sources of those circumstances. The hope comes from a changing sense of what is possible – the regime long seemed invulnerable. The protests have thrown its authority into doubt. The protests The immediate trigger for the public protests was the sham general election. The protests turned violent. Protesters set police stations and other buildings ablaze, hijacked police and ruling party vehicles, and ransacked polling stations. The regime responded with force. Police met civilians with gunfire and teargas. Two people were reportedly killed and several others injured on election day. Media sources, who include opposition leaders and diplomats in Tanzania, put the number of those killed over three days of protests in the hundreds. The triggers Tanzanians have plenty of reasons to be angry at the government. The causes are many. About 72% of citizens work as street vendors, motorcycle taxi drivers and in other informal jobs. Yet Hassan’s neo-liberal government suppresses the demands of these constituencies. Under Hassan’s rule, young people in particular have been neglected. Tanzania is a youthful country, with more than half of the population below the age of 18. They have especially suffered from Tanzania’s under-investment in education and health relative to its regional neighbours. While Hassan has presided over an economy that has continued to steadily grow, it has remained deeply unequal. More than 66% of Tanzanians remain poor. The anger is not just about policy, but politics too. The ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), has deep roots. It has ruled Tanzania in one form or another since the country’s independence from Britain in 1961. For years, CCM has used autocratic measures to tip the playing field in its favour. Since 2014, under former president John Pombe Magufuli, it has been steadily extending those measures. By 2020, the playing field had become all but closed. Protesters are directing their anger against the regime. They have torn down posters of Hassan. They are demanding constitutional reform, a truly independent electoral commission, and free and fair elections. Unprecedented protests These people’s-power protesters, in short, are defining their cause in terms of democracy. There is no precedent for protests like this in Tanzania. There have been many vigorous protests over the year. However, they have been localised protests against the forced eviction of the Maasai from ancestral lands, extraction by transnational gold mining corporations and exclusion of the public from the proceeds of natural gas extraction. In semi-autonomous archipelago Zanzibar, electoral manipulation has been consistently protested for three decades, Yet, Zanzibar aside, protests against the regime itself have always remained anaemic, until now. It is not for want of trying. The main opposition party Chadema has steadily turned to protest since 2016. It called for nationwide protests in the wake of the apparent rigging of the 2020 elections. Yet, few turned out to join them. Chadema, and the opposition at large, has struggled in the face of a violent state apparatus to draw protesters beyond a cadre of committed activists to its banner. Until now. What’s different Until days ago, the sort of protests unfolding across Tanzania seemed like a fool’s hope. The CCM regime, and its security apparatus, would never allow them. Protesters were arrested, brutalised, abducted or killed. Resistance, it seemed, was futile. The 2025 protests have thrown all of this into doubt. As political scientists Adam Branch and Zachariah Mamphilly observe, in protests, what seems possible can change profoundly and suddenly. Whenever protests gather momentum, the dynamics of their formation and repression change. Security personnel can seem hopelessly outnumbered. Protests can seem unassailably large. In this context, protesters have created spaces in which they – rather than the regime – rule, at least temporarily. The footage of protesters making off with ballot boxes, tearing down posters and saying the previously unsayable shows moments that have an air of emancipation. The exuberance may not last. Tanzania’s regime has not endured for 64 years for nothing. If the crackdown hardens, and the death toll climbs, the streets may clear quickly. If, in contrast, the police are unable to contain the protests and the military refuse to support them, they may quickly lose control. Whatever follows, Tanzania has changed almost overnight. One way or another, the change is almost certainly not yet over.

This week on The Horn, Alan is joined by Edmund Yakani, executive director of the Community Empowerment for Progress Organization, to discuss the trial of South Sudan’s first vice president and former rebel leader Riek Machar, as the country slips deeper into a political crisis.  In this episode of The Horn, Alan is joined by Edmund Yakani, executive director of the Community Empowerment for Progress Organization, to discuss the trial of South Sudan’s first vice president and former rebel leader Riek Machar. They trace Machar’s rise and how he became a central, polarising figure in South Sudanese politics. They unpack the charges against Machar over his alleged role in a March 2025 attack on an army base in Nasir. They discuss the timing of the proceedings as South Sudanese elite jockey over the eventual succession of President Salva Kiir amid mounting speculation over his health. They also explore what to expect from the trial, what its outcome could mean for the risk of deepening violence and for the 2018 peace deal, and whether there remains a viable path to dialogue among South Sudan’s elites to ease tensions. Click here to listen on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. For more, check out our Analyst’s Notebook “Criminal Charges against South Sudan’s Vice President Threaten New Twist in Conflict”, our recent episode “As South Sudan Quakes, an Heir Apparent Rises”, and our briefing “Succession Fever Deepens South Sudan’s Malaise”. Notes Notes Notes Contributors Alan Boswell Project Director, Horn of Africa Edmund Yakani Director of the Community Empowerment for Progress Organization More for you

On 26 October, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) captured the city of El Fasher, capital of North Darfur and the last remaining stronghold of the Sudanese army in the entire Darfur region. Victory for the RSF capped a decisive three-day offensive that overwhelmed the remaining positions of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and allied Darfuri groups.  The battle for the city has been one of the most intense confrontations in a war that has killed tens of thousands and displaced millions. Conflict first erupted over El Fasher in November 2023, when major factions, including the forces of Darfuri leaders Minni Minawi and Jibril Ibrahim, openly backed the army in trying to halt RSF expansion.  Several factors eventually aligned in the RSF’s favour. A prolonged siege cut off supplies and reinforcements to the army and its allies, driving starvation and despair among soldiers and civilians. The RSF’s expanded arsenal, reportedly supplied by the United Arab Emirates, included anti-aircraft systems, surveillance drones and heavy artillery, neutralising the army’s air advantage.  Despite RSF leaders’ pledges to guarantee the safety of El Fasher’s residents, early reports suggest its forces are responsible for violent atrocities. Numerous videos shared by RSF soldiers show them executing detainees. Other reports point to a spate of mass killings, arbitrary detentions of those accused of being army affiliates, and rape and sexual violence against women. RSF forces also appear to be restricting the movement of those trying to flee, especially men. Videos posted online suggest some RSF forces are motivated by revenge or the conviction that residents who chose to remain in El Fasher are aligned with their enemies, even though aid groups have reported thousands of civilians were simply trapped in the besieged city. These atrocities will further damage RSF’s reputation in Sudan and elsewhere.  El Fasher’s fall also has profound consequences for Sudan, deepening the country’s de facto partition. For the first time, the RSF has consolidated its writ over the west of the country, securing transnational supply routes and asserting itself as a governing authority. The country now has two competing centres of power, the RSF in the west and SAF-aligned institutions in the centre and east. The city’s fall also shifts Sudan’s war eastward, where RSF forces have formed a coalition with Abdelaziz al-Hilu’s armed group, Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North, in South Kordofan.  With the RSF emboldened and the SAF entrenched, Sudan faces a political stalemate that neither side can break militarily. Having demanded a RSF withdrawal from El Fasher as a precondition for negotiations, the army and its allies now appear far less disposed to engage in talks in the immediate aftermath of this defeat. Avoiding a permanent east-west partition will require urgent, creative diplomacy by the U.S.-led “Quad” process, which also includes Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. These four countries convened both parties in the Sudanese war for talks in Washington on a truce proposal in October, but without making a breakthrough. Their task has since become even harder. 

Reuters Raila Odinga has been a towering figure in Kenyan politics for many years Tributes have been paid to former Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga, who has died at the age of 80. President William Ruto said the veteran politician, who died on Wednesday while receiving medical treatment at a hospital in India, was a "beacon of courage" and "father of our democracy". His body is due to be flown back home overnight for a funeral service and burial to be held over the coming days. Odinga spent many years as an opposition leader, losing five presidential campaigns, most recently three years ago. In recent weeks, there has been speculation about his health, although family members and political allies had dismissed reports suggesting he was critically ill. He collapsed during a morning walk and was taken to Devamatha Hospital, about 50km (30 miles) east of the port city of Kochi. The hospital said he had suffered a cardiac arrest, did not respond to resuscitation measures and was "declared dead at 09:52" local time (04:22 GMT). • Obituary: A founding father of Kenya's multi-party democracy • How Odinga's court challenges have improved Kenya's elections "Raila Amolo Odinga is truly a once-in-a-generation leader. A man whose ideals transcended politics, and whose legacy will shape the destiny of Kenya for generations to come," Ruto said in a live address to the nation. A seven-day period of mourning has also been declared. Odinga will be also be accorded a state funeral with full military honours, Ruto said. Other Kenyan politicians and world leaders have been sending their condolences, including Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who described Odinga as a "towering statesman and a cherished friend of India". South Africa's President Cyril Ramaphosa said he was a "leader who placed the interests of his country and continent first" while Zambia's Hakainde Hichilema described Odinga as "a towering advocate for democracy", whose legacy would endure. Nigeria's Bola Tinubu said he "embodied the spirit of Pan-Africanism". On Wednesday, Kenya's parliament observed a minute's silence in his honour and scheduled a session on Thursday for lawmakers to pay tribute. The Kenyan president had earlier visited Odinga's family home in the capital, Nairobi, and expressed his condolences to his widow Ida Odinga and other family members. It is understood that a delegation, led by Kenya's Foreign Affairs Minister Musalia Mudavadi and Odinga's widow, is on its way to India to oversee the arrangements to repatriate his body. Local officials in Kochi said his body was due to be flown to Mumbai - from where it would be taken to Kenya, and was expected on Thursday morning. The state funeral will be held at the Nyayo National Stadium in Nairobi on Friday and the following day his body will be transported to Kisumu, a city in western Kenya on the shores of Lake Victoria - his political stronghold. Members of the public will get a chance to view the body before he is buried on Sunday at his farm in Bondo, about 60km west of Kisumu. According to the family, it was Odinga's wish to be laid to rest within the shortest time possible, ideally within 72 hours. Odinga's supporters have been pouring on to the streets to mourn, especially in western Kenya and parts of Nairobi. Odinga's supporters have been gathering to mourn him in Nairobi The disputed election of 2007, in which Odinga claimed he was cheated of victory by Mwai Kibaki, led to the biggest crisis in Kenya's history. Violence erupted around the country, resulting in 1,200 deaths and about 600,000 people were forced to flee their homes. To resolve the crisis, a power-sharing agreement was brokered by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, leading to the formation of a unity government in which Odinga became prime minister. His frequent claims of fraud were vindicated by Kenya's highest court after the 2017 elections, when it annulled Uhuru Kenyatta's victory and ordered fresh polls. However, he boycotted the rerun, demanding electoral reforms. Odinga later made up with Kenyatta, stunning the nation when the two shook hands in 2018 - ending months of tension. State House Kenya Kenyan President Ruto expressed his condolences to Odinga's widow, Ida He has often reconciled with the incumbent president after contentious elections. After his most recent defeat in 2022, he later joined President Ruto in a so-called broad-based government, which brought several of his allies into key positions. He defended the move as necessary for national unity, coming in the aftermath of watershed nationwide protests last year that culminated in the storming of parliament. Dozens of protesters were killed in confrontations with security officers. The Ruto administration backed Odinga's bid to become chairperson of the African Union Commission, in elections held earlier this year. Despite strong regional support, he lost to Djibouti's Mahmoud Ali Youssouf. Odinga inspired a passionate and loyal following throughout his political career. His supporters called him "Baba" (Father), "Agwambo" (Act of God), and "Tinga" (Tractor) - drawn from his party's symbol during the 1997 elections. He was widely regarded as a master strategist and mass mobiliser, often drawing huge crowds to his political rallies, and he had a deep ability to connect with ordinary people. He will be remembered for his unwavering fight for democratic freedoms and human rights. He was a former political prisoner, and holds the record for being Kenya's longest-serving detainee. His struggle against one-party dictatorship saw him detained twice (from 1982 to 1988 and 1989 to 1991) during the rule of Daniel arap Moi. He was initially imprisoned for trying to stage a coup in 1982, which propelled him on to the national stage. For most of his political life, Odinga has been seen as symbol of resistance and political reform and his death leaves a vacuum about who can fill his shoes and carry on his legacy. He is the son of Jaramogi Odinga, Kenya's first vice-president, who walked out of government after falling out with then-leader Jomo Kenyatta, Uhuru Kenyatta's father. Additional reporting by the BBC's Roncliffe Odit and Akisa Wandera in Nairobi Raila Odinga: The man who shaped Kenyan politics You may also be interested in: • How a handshake changed Odinga's heartland • 'They aimed to kill' - BBC identifies security forces who shot Kenya anti-tax protesters • Tales of surviving the 2007 election violence Getty Images/BBC Go to BBCAfrica.com for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica

 In the Democratic Republic of Congo, M23 rebels threaten to overthrow the government in Kinshasa. But experts say that the escalating war could be nothing more than a means of influencing the peace talks between in Doha.

... climate change and strengthening resilience in vulnerable Zambian communities. The Integrated Action for Mitigation Zambia (AIM Zambia) project ...

Early warning systems, water resource management, waste management and infrastructure will be improved to protect our most vulnerable society.

San Francisco, Oct. 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- SAN FRANCISCO, CA October 09, 2025 - - A sweeping wave of technological breakthroughs and regulatory shifts is accelerating the global energy transition, reshaping how governments, investors, and industries are approaching decarbonization and sustainability. New intelligence from EarlyBirds highlights how rapid advancements in renewable energy and storage technologies, combined with tightening environmental, social, and governance (ESG) frameworks, are setting the pace for the next decade of climate and industrial transformation. From the deployment of hydrogen transport and large-scale battery systems to the expansion of space-based solar power and the resurgence of carbon pricing policies, momentum across the energy ecosystem suggests that the long-anticipated convergence of innovation, investment, and regulation is finally taking form. The developments observed during the first week of October 2025 paint a picture of a world moving swiftly toward technological maturity in renewable systems, even as it faces the policy and market complexities of scaling them. In Norway, a country long regarded as a global leader in electric vehicle adoption, new advances in nationwide charging infrastructure are providing a benchmark for seamless integration between mobility systems and renewable energy grids. The country's model demonstrates how well-planned infrastructure can accelerate decarbonization in transport while strengthening energy resilience. In the storage domain, Sineng Electric's turnkey battery systems are emerging as vital tools for stabilizing renewable energy supply, enabling diverse applications ranging from grid-scale deployment to localized microgrid support. The commissioning of Europe's largest battery energy storage system, a 200 MW installation by ENGIE and Sungrow in Belgium, underscores how storage technology has evolved from experimental pilot projects into a mature and bankable asset class supporting the continent's renewable integration goals. Hydrogen continues to gain prominence as both an industrial feedstock and a scalable clean fuel. Duke Energy's launch of the United States' first fully integrated green hydrogen system in Florida represents a landmark project that combines production, storage, and power generation. The initiative demonstrates the viability of hydrogen as a dispatchable energy source capable of reinforcing grid stability and reducing dependence on fossil generation. In Asia, Isuzu and Toyota's deployment of hydrogen buses marks a decisive moment in clean public transportation, while new hydrogen refueling infrastructure in North America is addressing one of the sector's most persistent adoption barriers. Complementing hydrogen's rise, innovation in geothermal energy is proving that renewable baseload power can be both reliable and cost-efficient. XGS Energy's 3,000-hour geothermal trial in California achieved sustained output and seamless grid integration, suggesting that geothermal energy could play a much larger role in the global energy mix. Hybrid projects that combine hydrogen, geothermal, and battery storage, such as those now being built in the western United States, point to an era of complementary renewable ecosystems that work together to meet round-the-clock demand. Solar technology, meanwhile, is pushing into new frontiers. Scientists from the University of Delaware and Taizhou University recently shattered the long-standing efficiency ceiling for silicon solar cells, achieving conversion rates above 50 percent. This leap could dramatically lower the cost of solar energy and double the output from the same surface area. Japan's national investment program in ultra-thin perovskite cells, alongside Namibia's approval of a 3 gigawatt solar and hydrogen complex, underscores how major economies are turning laboratory breakthroughs into industrial-scale programs. Beyond Earth, the first commercial collaborations in space-based solar power, led by Space Solar, Thales Alenia Space, and Aetherflux, are exploring continuous orbital energy collection and laser transmission to Earth. If proven viable, such systems could eliminate the intermittency challenge entirely and redefine the logistics of global energy distribution. On the investment front, capital deployment into clean energy and storage assets continues to climb, signaling growing market confidence in the economics of decarbonization. A $700 million joint venture between Larsen & Toubro and ACWA Power in Uzbekistan is set to deliver 1 gigawatt of combined solar generation and storage capacity, establishing Central Asia as a new player in renewable expansion. In Australia, ACCIONA's $140 million acquisition of the East Rockingham Waste-to-Energy facility reinforces the circular economy trend, turning waste streams into valuable energy resources. In the United States, Enlight Renewable Energy's $340 million Roadrunner solar and storage project near Tucson is backed by tax equity investors, reflecting the increasing alignment between sustainable finance and infrastructure growth. Even smaller firms such as Vivakor, investing $23 million in clean energy technologies, illustrate how diversified capital participation is sustaining sectoral momentum across scales. While innovation accelerates, the regulatory landscape is tightening. Governments are now moving beyond voluntary ESG reporting toward binding climate compliance. Australia's proposal to reintroduce carbon pricing and impose a tax on coal exports represents a decisive return to fiscal mechanisms for emission control. In the United States, the Environmental Protection Agency's plan to phase out organics from landfills by 2040 is a significant measure against methane emissions and a potential catalyst for a new generation of circular waste solutions. Internationally, the International Maritime Organization's forthcoming Net-Zero Framework will impose new emissions targets across global shipping, reshaping fuel supply chains and vessel design strategies. Europe's environmental authorities have also renewed calls for deeper decarbonization, signaling stricter oversight of corporate climate disclosures and carbon accounting. Together, these developments define a global inflection point in sustainability. Technological innovation is meeting regulatory ambition in a way that transforms compliance from an administrative function into a competitive advantage. Organizations able to anticipate policy changes and integrate advanced technologies - from AI-driven energy optimization to next-generation battery chemistries - will be best positioned to capture emerging markets and investor confidence. Conversely, industries slow to adapt face escalating operational costs, supply chain disruptions, and reputational risks as regulators and consumers demand measurable environmental progress. According to EarlyBirds' analysts, the synergy between innovation and regulation will increasingly determine leadership in the energy transition. Nations and companies that align research, industrial deployment, and policy coherence are poised to dominate the green economy. As renewable systems become more efficient and interconnected, the boundaries between compliance, investment, and innovation are dissolving, creating a new ecosystem where technological agility equals resilience. The first week of October 2025 encapsulates this transformation: governments tightening environmental policy, investors scaling clean energy commitments, and innovators surpassing long-held scientific limits. Together, these forces are rewriting the fundamentals of global energy economics. What was once a fragmented movement of isolated technologies and climate pledges is now coalescing into a unified, data-driven transition. The result is a race not just to decarbonize, but to reinvent how the world powers its future - continuously, sustainably, and intelligently. ### For more information about EarlyBirds, contact the company here: EarlyBirds Mr Kris Poria support@earlybirds.io EarlyBirds USA Inc., 548 Market St, San Francisco, CA 94104 USA CONTACT: Mr Kris Poria

Swedfund, Sweden’s development finance institution, has committed $15 million to Select Africa, a microfinance institution operating in Eswatini, Lesotho, and Malawi.  The investment is aimed at improving access to credit for low-income public sector workers who are usually excluded from formal banking systems. The three southern African countries continue to face serious economic challenges, including limited job opportunities, inadequate healthcare and education systems, and growing pressure from climate-related shocks. With international aid becoming less predictable, many households have struggled to sustain livelihoods or fund small-scale ventures. Swedfund’s new funding seeks to close this gap by enabling more civil servants to access personal and business loans that support daily living and small enterprise growth. According to the organisation, these loans are not just about access to money but about fostering resilience and stimulating community-level economic development. “With this loan we increase the possibilities for low-income individuals to secure financing that supports their livelihoods and productive activities, such as starting a small side business, expanding farming, covering education costs or building a house. This contributes to human development for many families and, in turn, fosters potential for local economic growth and more jobs,” said Jane Niedra, investment director of Financial Inclusion at Swedfund. Select Africa’s customer base largely consists of civil servants, including teachers, nurses, and local administrators, who often find it difficult to obtain loans from traditional banks due to perceived high risk or lack of collateral. The company provides payroll-based lending, allowing borrowers to repay directly from their salaries, reducing default risk and enabling them to build a formal credit history over time. Founded in 1999 with its first branch in Eswatini, Select Africa has since expanded its footprint across Lesotho, Malawi, Uganda, and Kenya. The Group now operates 19 branches and manages a gross loan book of about $108 million. Through this partnership, Swedfund and Select Africa aim to unlock opportunities for thousands of underserved public workers, strengthening household incomes, encouraging entrepreneurship, and supporting the broader financial inclusion agenda in sub-Saharan Africa. Share 0 Post 0 Share Whatsapp Copy 0Shares The post Swedfund Invests $15 Million to Boost Loan Access for Civil Servants in Africa appeared first on Tech | Business | Economy.

A brief roundup of United Nations-related political and peacebuilding events and developments globally. Secretary-General calls for renewed action on women, peace and security   On 7 October, the Security Council held its annual open debate on women, peace and security (WPS), marking the 25th anniversary of resolution 1325. In his remarks, the Secretary-General stressed that women’s leadership is central to just and lasting peace, warning that progress on the WPS agenda remains fragile and, in many areas, is reversing. He urged Member States to accelerate commitments under the Pact for the Future through concrete measures — including increased funding for women’s organizations, binding targets for participation, accountability for gender-based violence, and protection for women peacebuilders.   Ahead of the briefing, he visited the Through Her Lens: Women Rising for Peace exhibit, located in the plaza outside the General Assembly building. The display features powerful images by local women photographers, showcasing women peacebuilders, human rights defenders, UN peacekeepers and community leaders working for peace in fragile contexts. The exhibit will remain open through October. Security Council discusses UN–AU cooperation on peace and security   On 7 October, the Security Council held a meeting on cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union (AU). Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) to the African Union and Head of the United Nations Office to the African Union (UNOAU) Parfait Onanga-Anyanga highlighted the progress achieved through strengthened political collaboration, joint operations and strategic coordination between the two organizations. He underscored that the partnership remains central to addressing Africa’s peace and security challenges. Assistant Secretary-General (ASG) for Africa Martha Pobee, speaking on behalf of DPPA and DPO, emphasized the importance of predictable financing for AU-led peace support operations, as well as continued joint planning, analysis and capacity-building to advance collective security efforts across the continent. Special Envoy Huang Xia discusses regional peace efforts in Doha   During a visit to Doha, on 5 October, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General (SESG) for the Great Lakes Region Huang Xia met with Minister of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Qatar Mohammed bin Abdulaziz bin Saleh Al Khulaifi. The Special Envoy briefed his Qatari counterparts on ongoing peace and dialogue initiatives in the Great Lakes Region, particularly regarding the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He underlined the importance of regional and international support to de-escalate tensions and sustain political dialogue. The visit formed part of the Special Envoy’s broader diplomatic outreach to strengthen partnerships for peace and stability in the Great Lakes Region. Read more High-level workshop on natural resource governance in Botswana   On 7–8 October, SESG for the Great Lakes Region Huang Xia convened a high-level workshop in Gaborone, Botswana, on “Enhancing the ICGLR Regional Certification Mechanism through Lessons Learned from the Kimberley Process.” Co-organized with the ICGLR Secretariat, the Kimberley Process Secretariat, GIZ, and supported by the Government of Botswana, the event gathered over 60 senior participants, including former President Mokgweetsi Masisi, and representatives of the AU, EU, World Bank, civil society and the private sector. Discussions focused on strengthening compliance, traceability and inclusive governance in natural resource management to advance peace, stability and sustainable development across the Great Lakes Region. A race for peace in Sucre   As part of Peace Month, on 3 October the United Nations Verification Mission in Colombia participated in the third Observation Race under the theme “The Road that Unites Us: Human Rights and Peace” in Sincelejo, Sucre. The event aimed to foster peaceful coexistence and strengthen trust between public institutions and civil society. Through collaborative activities, teamwork and problem-solving exercises, participants promoted citizen engagement and a shared commitment to building a more just, inclusive and peaceful society. “Mirémonos de Cerca”: Promoting peace through community sports   On 4 October, in Puerto Rico, Caquetá, the United Nations Verification Mission in Colombia joined the Colombian Agency for Reincorporation and Normalization (ARN) for a sports day held under the national campaign “Mirémonos de Cerca” (“Let Us Look at Each Other Closely”), aimed at preventing stigmatization. The event brought together former combatants, local residents and institutional representatives to strengthen social cohesion, promote mutual understanding and foster reconciliation through teamwork and dialogue. The initiative forms part of ongoing local efforts to advance peacebuilding and support the reintegration of former combatants into community life. UNAMI and OHCHR advance human rights-based approaches to anti-corruption in Iraq   On 6 October, the UNAMI Human Rights Office and OHCHR, in cooperation with the Federal Commission of Integrity (CoI), held a workshop in Mosul on integrating human rights principles into anti-corruption efforts. The event brought together 42 representatives from civil society, the media, the legal community and local authorities in Ninewa Governorate. Participants discussed how corruption undermines human rights and explored ways to strengthen collaboration between the CoI and local communities, including through public engagement, reporting mechanisms and whistleblower protection. The workshop is part of the third phase of the UNAMI/OHCHR–CoI project, which includes capacity-building and outreach activities to promote accountability and transparency across Iraq. Second cohort of Ra’idat women visit Rome to learn about international peacebuilding   Six young women from the second cohort of the UN in Libya’s Ra’idat leadership programme concluded their training with a study visit to Rome, supported by the Government of Italy. Coordinated through the United Nations Support Mision in Libya (UNSMIL) in close cooperation with the UN Country team, the three-day mission exposed participants to international examples of women’s leadership in peace and governance through meetings with government officials, diplomats, and peacebuilders. The tailor-made programme included visits to the Italian Senate, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, LUISS University, and NGOs active in Libya. The Ra’idat programme, now in its second year, trains 35 young Libyan women annually in communication, leadership, and advocacy. The 2025–26 cohort, selected from nearly 900 applicants, will begin training later this month. Read more Peacebuilding Impact Hub hosts training on impact evaluations for peacebuilding   From 8 to 10 October, the Peacebuilding Impact Hub of DPPA’s Peacebuilding Support Office organized a training session on impact evaluations for peacebuilding, in collaboration with the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF), the World Bank, the International Initiative for Impact Evaluation (3ie), and the International Security and Development Center (ISDC). The training aimed to strengthen the capacity of practitioners, researchers, and policymakers to design and conduct impact evaluations for peacebuilding projects, drawing on examples from PBF initiatives supported by Canada and Germany. This was the second such training organized by the Impact Hub, following the first session held in April 2025 after the launch of an impact evaluation of the Fund’s work in East Darfur. SRSG Imnadze participates in the 2nd Meeting of Speakers of Parliaments of the Member States of the Group of Friends of Neutrality On 8 October SRSG Kaha Imnadze, Head of UNRCCA, participated in the 2nd Meeting of Speakers of Parliaments of the Group of Friends of Neutrality, hosted by Turkmenistan’s Parliament in a hybrid format. The event gathered representatives from Central Asia, Russia, Belarus, China, Qatar, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, and CIS Interparliamentary Assembly. In his statement, SRSG Imnadze underlined the significance of Turkmenistan’s long-standing commitment to neutrality and its contribution to strengthening international peace and trust. He stressed that neutrality should not be perceived as passivity but as an active commitment to dialogue, humanitarian engagement, and multilateral solutions. Marking 25 years of women, peace and security in Yemen   To mark the 25th anniversary of Security Council resolution 1325, the Office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen is amplifying the voices of Yemeni women, whose leadership continues in the struggle for peace in the country. Their stories highlight women’s resilience and their essential role in advancing dialogue, reconciliation and recovery efforts across Yemen. Read more Japan contributes to DPPA’s Multi-Year Appeal   This week, DPPA thanks the Government of Japan for its contribution of $143,610 to the Department’s Multi-Year Appeal (MYA). The funding will support the work of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, including efforts to promote inclusive stakeholder engagement and advance peace initiatives.  Next Week  On 13 October, the Security Council will hold a meeting on the Great Lakes region, focusing on regional peace and security developments. On 14 October, the Council will be briefed on the situation in Libya by UNSMIL.

The inauguration of President Peter Mutharika as the country’s seventh President on Saturday should have been a proud moment of national unity and constitutional continuity. Instead, it exposed once again how fragile Malawi’s institutions can get when politics takes centre stage. Reports on the eve of the inauguration that ex-president Lazarus Chakwera and Secretary to the President and Cabinet Coleen Zamba were “barred” from attending the ceremony were startling. If true, this raises a fundamental question: how can an incoming President and his team exercise authority before the oath of office is taken? Until that moment, the outgoing administration remains legally in charge of the State. The episode highlights a deeper constitutional blind spot—the absence of a clear, neutral process for transferring power. The Constitution defines when a president’s term ends and when a new one begins, but it is silent on overseeing transition and how each side must cooperate. Expectedly, each power shift becomes an improvised event shaped more by political goodwill than by law. That vacuum invites disorder. Outgoing officials can withdraw cooperation too early; incoming teams can act before they ought to. Meanwhile, the State dances to confusion and partisan politics. Other democracies have long recognised the importance of structured transitions. Ghana’s Presidential (Transition) Act of 2012 and Kenya’s equivalent of 2013 provide detailed frameworks for the peaceful power handover, specifying who should coordinate the process, when it begins and what obligations fall on each side. The US law ensures the process is handled professionally by nonpartisan civil servants. Malawi has no such law, so the transition remains a matter of political expediency rather than constitutional discipline. An inauguration is not a partisan celebration, but a State occasion that affirms continuity and respect for the rule of law. The presence of the outgoing president is a symbol of national unity and institutional maturity. It demonstrates that citizens’ will reigns supreme and political rivalry ends where constitutional order begins. When that ritual is disrupted, it weakens public trust and sends the wrong message about our democracy’s resilience.  A system that depends on personalities, not procedures, is prone to manipulation. To close this gap, Malawi should consider establishing a Judiciary-led presidential transition framework. The Judiciary is uniquely placed to provide neutrality and authority. It already plays a central role in managing electoral disputes and interpreting constitutional boundaries. Extending its oversight to the transfer of Executive power would strengthen both legality and public confidence. Such a framework could take the form of a Presidential Transition Commission, chaired by the Chief Justice with representatives from the Malawi Law Society and trusted technocrats from the Office of the President and Cabinet. Its mandate would be clear: Ensure the outgoing administration continues its duties with integrity until the new President takes the oath of office; supervise the exchange of State information, security briefings and assets; ensure the inauguration remains a nonpartisan State event and enforce a binding transition code of conduct on both teams. By doing so, Malawi would turn what is currently a political handshake into a constitutional process — predictable, dignified and protected from abuse. The 2020 court-ordered fresh presidential election remains a milestone in Malawi’s democratic evolution, proving that institutions can correct political wrongs when empowered to act. However, that same commitment to legality must now extend to how power changes hands. If we cannot uphold constitutional order at the very moment of renewal, then our democracy rests on shaky ground. The next frontier in Malawi’s governance reform must therefore be to institutionalise presidential transitions — not as courtesy, but as law. By 2030, Malawi should aspire to transitions that reflect not the weakness of our politics but the strength of our State. Parliament, the Malawi Law Society, Malawi Law Commission and civil society organisations should start a national conversation on enacting  presidential transition laws and oversight. Democracy is not only about winning elections, but also governing—and leaving—within the boundaries of the law. Securing that delicate moment of power handover is a decisive step toward building a resilient Republic beyond the rise and fall of its leaders. – Victor Vivian Gondwe The post Judiciary-led power transition appeared first on Nation Online.

Country: Burundi Organization: One Acre Fund Closing date: 31 Dec 2025 About One Acre Fund Founded in 2006, One Acre Fund equips 5.5 million smallholder farmers to make their farms more productive. Across nine countries that together are home to two-thirds of Africa's farmers, we provide high-quality farm supplies, tree seedlings, accessible credit, modern agronomic training, and a wide range of other agricultural services. On average, this model enables any farmer to increase their income and assets on supported land by more than 35 percent, while permanently improving their resilience. This is all made possible by our team of 9,000+ full-time staff, drawn from diverse backgrounds and professions. To learn more, please see our Why Work Here blog post. Our Burundi program, established in 2011, operates under the local brand Tubura. We are a rapidly growing organization with over 1,000 employees nationwide. As of 2024, we serve over 340,000 unique farmers in 7 provinces; Muramvya, Gitega, Kayanza, Mwaro, Ngozi, Muyinga, and Ruyigi. To learn more about our work, look at our Burundi program blog. About the Role Planting trees is one of the most efficient actions to generate impact for rural families and improve the local environment. Growing trees can have many benefits for farm families - trees can improve land productivity and soil fertility. Trees can also serve as a critical economic resource for families.. Additionally, they contribute positively to local ecosystems and reduce the effects of climate change. As the Burundi Agroforestry Lead, you will lead our national agroforestry program to make it more impactful, efficient, and environmentally responsible. Through your technical experience and leadership you will help farmers to plant ten million trees in your first year, with potential to double in scale over time. Your work will support our target of planting 1 billion trees by 2030. You will also contribute to our Regenerative Agriculture Portfolio in Burundi; improve farmer's ability to use natural resources to deliver healthy soils and continued prosperity. You will report to the Burundi Impact Lead. Responsibilities • Strategic Reviews and Development: We don't just want to run an efficient programme - we want to improve and scale it. We expect under your leadership we could double the size of the Agroforestry Programme, compliment with new varieties, and bring more impact for farmers; through operational reviews each season, and strategy setting. • Refine and Improve Current Operations: incremental gain in the work we do will have a big impact at scale. Driving new initiatives to improve our agroforestry operations will result in additional impact for each farm household that we serve. Through root cause analysis, you will identify underlying issues and then launch improvement initiatives. For example, these could aim to improve Seedling Survival Rates, New Varieties of Trees, Improving Market Demand, or phytosanitary care. • Secure our seedling supply chain through our in-house production models. You will assess performance across our country-wide programme and implement improvements to design and deliver trainings on best practices for nursery management and species management and implement tactics and tools to reliably track field performance. • Planning and Coordination of Distribution: Taking seedlings from 900 nurseries across the country and distributing to 400,000 farmers is a major task; and requires digital management of distribution, close understanding of farmer needs and constraints, and effective working with our field operations team. • Scope and Launch new Initiatives in Regenerative Agriculture: Investing in additional trees for our farmers will support healthy soils and more productive farms. You will also support new initiatives to grow farmer income through use of natural alternatives to inorganic fertilizer: such as restoring soil health, biodiversity and ecosystem resilience. Career Growth and Development We have a strong culture of constant learning and we invest in developing our people. You’ll have weekly check-ins with your manager, access to mentorship and training programs, and regular feedback on your performance. We hold career reviews every six months, and set aside time to discuss your aspirations and career goals. You’ll have the opportunity to shape a growing organization and build a rewarding long-term career. Qualifications Across all roles, these are the general qualifications we look for. For this role specifically, you will have: • 5+ years working in execution of major decentralised rural programmes, with demonstrated managerial responsibilities including field and performance management • Field experience working with smallholder farmers • A track-record of implementation preferred, taking projects from strategic to operational within a relatively short time • Bachelors required; study or qualifications in Agroforestry or Regenerative Agriculture an advantage • Nice to have: Prior experience in Agroforestry or Regenerative Agriculture • Language: English required; French also strongly preferred. Other local languages (Kirundi) desirable. Preferred Start Date As soon as possible Job Location Muramvya, Burundi Benefits Health insurance, housing, and comprehensive benefits Eligibility This role is only open to citizens or permanent residents of Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Malawi, Ethiopia, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Application Deadline 01 January 2025. Please note that we hire on a rolling basis which means that applications are reviewed and processed on a continuous basis until a hire is made. One Acre Fund never asks candidates to pay any money or pay for tests at any stage of the interview process. Official One Acre Fund emails will always arrive from an @oneacrefund.org address. Please report any suspicious communication here (globalhotline@oneacrefund.org), but do not send applications or application materials to this email address. Diversity, Equity, Inclusion (DEI), and anti-racism are deeply connected to our organization’s mission and purpose. One Acre Fund aspires to build a culture where all staff feel consistently valued, represented, and connected – so that our team can thrive as professionals, and achieve exceptional impact for the farmers we serve. We are committed to equal employment opportunity regardless of race, color, ancestry, religion, sex, national origin, sexual orientation, age, marital status, disability, gender, gender identity or expression. We are proud to be an equal opportunity workplace. How to apply Apply Here:https://grnh.se/o000n2481us

 President Hakainde Hichilema says the economic gains the country has achieved is as a result of policy reforms initiated by the government in the mining sector. President Hichilema notes that without embarking on policy reforms the country would not have recorded the economic growth it has attained. He explains that the decision by the government […]

Russia Takes Major Step in Strengthening Ties with Africa, Adding Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini to Booming Visa-Free Travel Network Russia is increasingly focusing on expanding its reach in Africa, with new developments such as the inclusion of Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini in its list of countries offering visa-free access to Russian nationals. This shift marks a strategic move by Russia to bolster its political, economic, and cultural ties with African nations. Once finalized, these visa-free agreements are expected to pave the way for closer cooperation, particularly in tourism, trade, and geopolitics. The growing importance of Africa in the global political and economic landscape has prompted Russia to strengthen its ties with the continent, especially as many African nations seek to diversify their international relations beyond traditional Western powers. The expansion of these agreements is expected to open new opportunities for mutual growth, increasing the scope for collaboration between Russia and Africa. Expanding Diplomatic Influence: Adding New Visa-Free Countries The Russian Foreign Ministry has announced plans to broaden the network of visa-free agreements, adding Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini to the growing list of African countries that have already agreed to provide visa-free access to Russian citizens. This expansion would increase the number of African nations offering such access from 11 to 15, a significant diplomatic step that would further enhance Russia’s presence on the continent. Currently, Russian passport holders enjoy visa-free travel to 11 African countries, including popular destinations like South Africa, Morocco, Namibia, and Tunisia, where they are allowed to stay for periods ranging from 15 to 90 days depending on the country. With the proposed addition of Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini, Russian citizens would be able to visit these nations for up to 90 days without requiring a visa, depending on the final details of the agreements. This increase in travel flexibility offers significant diplomatic and economic leverage for Russia, enhancing its engagement in Africa. A Strategic Shift: Russia’s Diplomatic and Economic Plans The push for these visa-free agreements fits into Russia’s broader strategy to redefine its diplomatic and economic priorities. As relations with many Western nations continue to deteriorate amid geopolitical conflicts, Russia has been looking for new international partners, and Africa has emerged as a crucial focal point. With several African nations seeking to diversify their international relations, particularly away from traditional Western alliances, Russia’s offer of visa-free travel presents a compelling opportunity for these countries to build new ties that offer more freedom and fewer restrictions compared to the travel limitations faced by Russian citizens in Europe and the United States. These agreements are intended to help Russia solidify its political and economic presence across Africa. Mozambique, for instance, is already reviewing a draft agreement that would eliminate visa requirements for Russian nationals. This demonstrates Russia’s ongoing efforts to expand its influence across the continent and highlight its commitment to building stronger diplomatic relationships. Africa’s Shifting Geopolitical Landscape and Russia’s Role The changing political and economic landscape in Africa has played a significant role in shaping Russia’s approach to increasing its presence on the continent. In recent years, many African nations have been working to reduce their dependency on traditional Western powers. African countries are now seeking to build more diverse international relationships, making Russia’s approach particularly timely. The visa-free agreements with Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini reflect this shift. Like other African nations, these countries are eager to establish partnerships with non-Western powers that can offer economic cooperation without the constraints often imposed by traditional Western relationships. Russia’s offer of visa-free access provides these nations with an opportunity to engage with a new set of global partners, especially in areas like energy, mining, and infrastructure. This shift is also significant in light of the growing tensions between Russia and the West. As African nations seek new partners for trade, investment, and diplomatic alliances, Russia’s outreach via visa-free agreements provides a valuable alternative to the limitations posed by traditional Western powers. Economic Impact: Opening Doors for Investment and Trade The visa-free agreements between Russia and several African countries are expected to have profound economic implications, benefiting both regions. These agreements not only simplify travel but also pave the way for increased trade and investment. Russia’s presence in Africa has been expanding, particularly in industries such as energy, mining, agriculture, and infrastructure. Russian companies are already competing with Western and Chinese firms in these sectors, and the visa-free agreements will make it easier for them to operate and explore new markets. For African nations, these agreements represent a significant opportunity to attract foreign investment and diversify their international relationships. With Russia’s expanding presence in sectors like energy and mining, African nations can benefit from access to Russian resources, capital, and technological expertise. The removal of visa barriers will make it easier for Russian companies to engage with African markets, enhancing the economic and diplomatic ties between the two regions. As these visa-free agreements are implemented, there will likely be an increase in trade, investment, and business ventures between Russia and Africa. This growth will further contribute to the economic development of both regions, as Russia’s expanding influence helps African countries tap into more diverse international markets, ultimately fostering greater economic independence. Shifting Global Travel Dynamics: Impact on Tourism and Travel Patterns The introduction of visa-free agreements between Russia and Africa will significantly affect global travel trends, particularly in the tourism sector. The expansion of Russia’s visa-free network will make Africa a more attractive destination for Russian travelers, especially given the travel restrictions that have often made it difficult for Russian citizens to visit many countries outside of Europe and the United States. With the removal of visa requirements, more Russian nationals are likely to visit Africa, which will positively impact local tourism industries. The increase in Russian visitors will boost tourism revenue, which, in turn, will contribute to the development of local infrastructure, businesses, and tourism-related services. The rise in tourism will also foster cultural exchanges, strengthening the ties between Russia and Africa. For Africa, the increase in Russian visitors will have long-lasting economic benefits. Tourism revenue will rise, stimulating investment in infrastructure and helping to develop local businesses. The growth of the tourism sector will lead to more opportunities for Russia and Africa to collaborate in areas such as cultural diplomacy, which will further reinforce their economic and diplomatic relations. Strengthening Russia’s Strategic Role in Africa The expansion of visa-free agreements is an essential part of Russia’s long-term strategy to become a dominant force in Africa. By deepening its relationships with African nations through diplomatic and economic channels, Russia aims to cement its influence on the continent. The agreements with Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini are instrumental in achieving this goal, as they pave the way for stronger connections in sectors like trade, investment, and tourism. As Africa continues to grow as a key player in the global economy, Russia’s increased involvement will likely lead to long-term benefits for both Russia and Africa. By providing visa-free access to its citizens, Russia is positioning itself to play a major role in Africa’s future development, with far-reaching implications for regional diplomacy and trade relations. These growing ties will create new opportunities for Russia and Africa to collaborate in multiple sectors, while also helping to diversify Africa’s international relationships. The visa-free agreements represent Russia’s intention to foster deeper cooperation, ultimately strengthening both regions’ positions in global geopolitics. A New Era of Cooperation: Transforming International Relations The introduction of visa-free travel between Russia and Africa marks the beginning of a new era of cooperation between the two regions. The agreements will provide more opportunities for business exchanges, tourism, and cultural diplomacy, enhancing the ties between Russia and Africa. This shift reflects a broader global trend of increasing economic mobility and reducing travel restrictions. As both Russia and Africa adjust to the evolving global landscape, these new agreements will create the foundation for a more interconnected world, where greater cooperation in areas like trade, investment, and tourism can flourish. The easing of travel barriers will benefit both Russia and Africa by supporting greater economic growth, cultural exchange, and diplomatic engagement. A Transformational Shift in Travel and Diplomacy The visa-free agreements between Russia and Africa represent a transformational shift in global travel, tourism, and geopolitical relations. By simplifying travel for Russian citizens, Russia is positioning itself as a key partner for Africa, a region that increasingly seeks alternatives to traditional Western alliances. These agreements will likely reshape global travel patterns, especially in terms of increased mobility between Russia and Africa. As these agreements continue to expand, both regions stand to benefit from stronger diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties. The increased ease of travel will enhance tourism, promote business collaborations, and ultimately contribute to long-term economic growth. This shift represents a significant change in global geopolitics, opening the door for greater cooperation between Russia and Africa as both regions continue to evolve in a changing world. The post Russia Takes Major Step in Strengthening Ties with Africa, Adding Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini to Booming Visa-Free Travel Network appeared first on Travel And Tour World.

KISUMU, Kenya Oct 8 – The East African Community (EAC) has successfully completed the development of maritime infrastructure in Tanzania as part of a regional initiative to curb the rising number of deaths on Lake Victoria. This milestone was highlighted during the 1st Extraordinary Sectoral Council of Ministers and Permanent Secretaries of the Lake Victoria Basin Commission (LVBC) held in Kisumu. Delegates from the six EAC member states convened to assess the progress and future direction of maritime safety in the region. Speaking at the event, Kenya’s East African Community Principal Secrerary Caroline Karugu emphasized the urgent need for safety on the lake, citing troubling statistics. “According to data from the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, we are losing 5,000 lives every year on Lake Victoria. Many of these deaths are preventable. As the EAC, we cannot allow this to continue,” Karugu said. She noted that approximately 50 percent of the fatalities are fishermen, underlining the importance of making the lake safe not only for transportation but also for livelihoods. The EAC Council Chairperson disclosed that operational maritime and rescue centers have been established in the three EAC countries bordering the lake, Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania. to tackle this challenge fully. The regional coordination headquarters has been set up in Mwanza, Tanzania, while satellite centres are being set up in Kisumu, Kenya, and Entebbe, Uganda. “The Mwanza centre is now fully operational and ready to serve as the central hub for all maritime emergency responses on the lake,” said Dr. Karugu. She added: “The Kisumu and Entebbe centres are not yet fully developed and will greatly improve our ability to respond to emergencies swiftly.” In total, 16 maritime and rescue centers will also be set up and distributed along the Lake Victoria shoreline, 9 in Uganda, 4 in Kenya, and 3 in Tanzania. Dr. Karugu reassured lake users that the EAC is now better equipped than ever to respond to accidents, improve rescue times, and reduce fatalities. Representatives from other EAC countries lauded the achievement. Ludovick Nduhiye, Deputy Permanent Secretary in Tanzania’s Ministry of Transport, expressed pride that Mwanza had been selected as the host for the regional headquarters. “This is a landmark achievement for all partner states. The infrastructure will not only save lives but also support economic growth by making Lake Victoria safer for business and transport,” said Nduhiye. LVBC Executive Secretary, Dr. Masinde Bwire, added that the operational coordination center in Mwanza will serve as the backbone of the region’s efforts to enhance maritime safety. Additionally, Karugu revealed that the Council had reached an agreement on how to utilize Sh 7.8 billion (equivalent to 50 million euros) in funding from the Government of Germany. “The funds will be directed toward improving sanitation around the Lake Victoria Basin, making the lake not only safer but also more sustainable for generations to come,” she stated

In the 21st century, the global race for critical minerals has become as defining as the oil booms of the previous century. Rare earths and other essential elements – from lithium to cobalt and graphite – underpin not only the world’s technological infrastructure but also its transition to green energy and advanced defense systems. As nations scramble to secure their future supply chains, Africa stands at the center of this global competition, endowed with an abundance of the minerals that will shape the next industrial revolution. However, the story of resource wealth in Africa has too often been one of exploitation rather than empowerment. The continent’s critical minerals could either cement its place as an economic powerhouse or entrench old patterns of dependency and instability. Whether Africa’s mineral bounty becomes a blessing or a curse will depend on the political choices made today. Critical minerals are indispensable for manufacturing computer chips, batteries, wind turbines, electric vehicles, and precision-guided weapons. As the world accelerates toward digitalization and decarbonization, demand for these minerals is expected to soar – with lithium demand alone projected to rise by as much as 1,500 percent by 2050. Africa, holding roughly a third of the world’s known reserves, finds itself in a pivotal position. It boasts 80 percent of global platinum and chromium reserves, nearly half of the world’s cobalt, 21 percent of its graphite, and significant deposits of rare earths like monazite and scandium. These resources could make Africa a cornerstone of the global green economy. Yet, the global critical mineral supply chain remains deeply unbalanced. China currently controls around half of the world’s known rare earth reserves and dominates processing capacity, giving it enormous strategic leverage. In response, the United States and its allies are rushing to diversify their supply lines and reduce dependency on Beijing. Under both the Trump and Biden administrations, Washington has embraced what analysts call “rare-earth diplomacy” – offering security guarantees, investment deals, or market access in exchange for reliable access to mineral resources. This global tug-of-war is increasingly being played out in Africa. For the continent’s leaders, the challenge is to avoid becoming mere pawns in this high-stakes geopolitical game. Africa’s history offers a cautionary tale. For decades, its abundant natural resources – from gold and diamonds to oil and copper – have fueled the prosperity of industrialized economies, while the continent itself has remained trapped in poverty. Raw materials have been exported cheaply, only to return as expensive finished goods. This structural imbalance has perpetuated the so-called “resource curse”: nations rich in natural wealth often experience slower growth, deeper inequality, and greater instability. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is perhaps the most striking example. Despite being one of the most resource-rich countries on Earth, it remains one of the poorest and most unstable, its people suffering from conflict and corruption tied directly to its mineral wealth. If Africa’s critical minerals are to serve as an engine of growth rather than a source of turmoil, governments must ensure that their extraction and trade generate tangible, equitable benefits for their citizens. In recent years, the DRC has once again found itself at the heart of both regional conflict and global interest. Following decades of turmoil rooted in ethnic divisions and competition over resources, President Félix Tshisekedi’s government faces the monumental task of stabilizing the country. The conflict’s roots trace back to 1994, when Rwanda’s genocide sent waves of Hutu fighters fleeing into Congo, setting off a chain of wars and proxy conflicts involving numerous militias and neighboring states. Today, relations between Congo and Rwanda remain fraught, with Rwandan-backed groups clashing with Congolese forces over control of resource-rich regions. In a bold move earlier this year, Tshisekedi reportedly offered the United States access to Congo’s vast critical mineral reserves in exchange for security assistance. The Trump administration, together with Qatar, subsequently helped broker a fragile peace agreement between Congo and Rwanda. While it remains uncertain whether the deal will endure, it illustrates how mineral diplomacy can intertwine with peacebuilding efforts – for better or worse. For Congo and other African nations, the real test lies not in securing foreign investment but in ensuring that such partnerships translate into domestic stability, industrialization, and human development. Currently, less than 5 percent of Africa’s critical minerals are processed on the continent. This lack of local value addition means that most profits are captured elsewhere, perpetuating dependency and underdevelopment. Changing this dynamic requires a new model of cooperation – one that prioritizes African agency, transparency, and long-term growth over short-term gains. African leaders could look to models like OPEC for inspiration. A “critical minerals cartel” could allow resource-rich countries to coordinate policies, stabilize prices, and strengthen their collective bargaining position vis-à-vis major powers like the US and China. Beyond negotiation power, such cooperation could encourage regional integration in refining, manufacturing, and logistics – key steps toward creating a continental value chain. But forming such a bloc would require strong political will and unprecedented unity. It would also demand governance reforms to ensure transparency in revenue management. Too often, mineral wealth has enriched political elites rather than the broader population. To prevent this, African nations must establish clear, transparent frameworks for how mineral revenues are collected, spent, and audited. Africa’s mineral wealth should not only be a source of export income but a foundation for transformation. By investing the proceeds in education, infrastructure, and renewable energy, African governments can lay the groundwork for diversified economies capable of withstanding external shocks. With nearly 600 million people still lacking access to electricity, energy access remains a fundamental development challenge. Leveraging critical mineral revenues to finance renewable energy projects could help the continent achieve both industrial growth and environmental sustainability. Furthermore, Africa’s policymakers must insist that foreign investors transfer technology and train local workers. Only by building local capacity – in exploration, refining, and manufacturing – can Africa move up the value chain and secure a meaningful share of the global green economy. Africa’s critical minerals offer a once-in-a-century opportunity to rewrite the continent’s economic narrative. Yet, that opportunity comes with grave risks. If the continent repeats the mistakes of the past – signing opaque contracts, allowing corruption to flourish, or surrendering control of its resources to foreign powers – it will once again see its wealth siphoned away. To ensure that this time is different, African leaders must act strategically, with unity and foresight. Critical minerals must not only power the world’s technology but also light up Africa’s homes, schools, and industries. The world is watching Africa. But more importantly, Africa must watch itself – and decide whether it will remain a playground for great powers or rise as a partner in shaping the future global economy. Please follow Blitz on Google News Channel The post Africa’s critical minerals and the battle for global economic power appeared first on BLiTZ.

 At least 1,000 anti-government protesters have marched in Madagascar’s capital to demand that the president resign, as police used tear gas, stun grenades and rubber bullets to disperse the crowds. The demonstration on Thursday comes in the third week of the most significant unrest to hit the Indian Ocean island nation in years. list of 3 items • list 1 of 3Two killed, hundreds arrested in Morocco protests rocking the nation • list 2 of 3Nepal’s leaderless Gen-Z revolution has changed the rules of power • list 3 of 3New prime minister in Madagascar after protests continue for third week end of list Organised by “Gen Z Madagascar”, which describes itself as a “peaceful, civic movement”, the protests were first sparked by frustration over water and power cuts but soon expanded to include anger over allegations of corruption and nepotism. The rally on Thursday came after protest organisers called for a general strike and rejected President Andry Rajoelina’s attempts to defuse the tensions rocking the country. Police fired tear gas and rubber bullets at some of the demonstrators, who responded by throwing stones. Tear gas fired near a maternity ward forced nursing staff to move premature babies to the back of the building, the AFP news agency reported. At least four people were injured by rubber bullets and two by projectiles from stun grenades, according to AFP, citing two of its reporters on the scene and two local medical organisations. The protests, which began on September 25, led to President Andry Rajoelina, 51, firing his entire cabinet. Earlier this week, he appointed Ruphin Fortunat Zafisambo, a military general, as prime minister. Rajoelina has ignored protesters’ calls for his resignation, accusing those calling for him to step down of wanting to “destroy our country”. Protesters rejected an invitation on Wednesday to meet with Rajoelina. Advertisement Rajoelina came to power in a 2009 military coup, having himself campaigned for reform. He briefly stepped down in 2014 but was elected in 2018. Only about a third of Madagascar’s 30 million people have access to electricity, according to the International Monetary Fund. Daily power cuts often exceed eight hours, and Jirama, the state energy company, has been accused of corruption and mismanagement, fuelling public anger. Despite rich natural resources, nearly three-quarters of Madagascar’s population of 32 million lived below the poverty line in 2022, according to World Bank figures. The Indian Ocean island’s per capita gross domestic product (GDP) fell from $812 in 1960 to $461 in 2025, according to the World Bank. “We’re still struggling,” Heritiana Rafanomezantsoa, one of the marchers in Antananarivo, told AFP on Thusday. “The problem is the system. Our lives haven’t improved since we gained independence from France.” The country gained full independence from France in 1960. Though the protests started peacefully on their first day on September 25, they turned chaotic as unrest spread through Antananarivo after police used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse demonstrators. The United Nations has said that at least 22 people have been killed since protests began, either by security forces or by violence in the wake of demonstrations. Rajoelina disputed that figure on Wednesday. Twenty-eight protesters have been referred to the prosecutor’s office for formal charges, their lawyers said on Wednesday.  

 At a press conference, representatives of the War Correspondents’ Circle of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC) explained that the commemoration will run from October 14 to 19. The circle’s president, Milton Diaz-Canter, emphasized the importance of the day to preserve the history of the Caribbean nation and the work of the Cuban Revolution. For his part, the organization’s vice president, Miguel Fernandez, described Bacallao as a martyr of Cuban radio and television, who died on October 19, 1985, during an ambush in Angola, while carrying out an internationalist mission. Fernandez stated that the commemoration will pay tribute to journalists who lost their lives while on missions both in Africa and in other regions of the world. He announced that, in future editions, this initiative will be extended to all of the country’s provinces, and recognized the importance of uniting all of the nation’s war correspondents and sharing their stories. The commemoration will include a posthumous tribute to the recently deceased correspondents, the reopening of a historic seat at Radio Reloj—the station where Bacallao worked before leaving as a correspondent for Africa—and the presentation of literary works by Jose Antonio Fulgueiras, winner of Jose Marti National Journalism Prize. jdt/ro/mks The post Cuba to celebrate War Correspondent’s Day for the first time first appeared on Prensa Latina.

For four long years, darkness defined the world of Margaret Supuleti, a 50-year-old single mother from Chikulingeni Village in Dedza District. Once a vibrant and industrious woman who earned a living in the tobacco fields of Mozambique, Margaret’s life took a heartbreaking turn when cataracts robbed her of her sight. Unable to work, she was forced to abandon the life she had built and return to her home village — dependent on the goodwill of family and neighbours for survival. But Margaret’s suffering did not end there. Her youngest son, 12-year-old Suganiza, was also born with congenital bilateral cataracts — a condition that left him unable to see clearly since birth. Poverty and lack of access to specialised medical care meant his vision problem went untreated, and as the years passed, both mother and son found themselves trapped in a cycle of helplessness. Their days were marked by quiet struggle — navigating familiar paths by memory, depending on others for even the simplest tasks. For Margaret, every sunrise brought another day of frustration and fear. For Suganiza, who had never seen the inside of a classroom, the darkness meant a childhood without learning or play. Suganiza had never been to school and relied on Margaret for basic needs, even though she herself was nearly helpless. But hope came unexpectedly. Margaret heard an announcement in her village that a team of doctors from Kamuzu Central Hospital supported by Sightsavers would be visiting the area for an eye screening camp. Fast-forward to date, Margaret and her son underwent successful surgeries at Dedza District Hospital and Kamuzu Central Hospital respectively thanks to SightSavers. For Margaret, the surgeries meant she can return to her normal life—working in the fields, supporting her family, and reclaiming her independence. For Suganiza, this marked the beginning of new opportunities, including the possibility of attending school for the first time in his life. The impact that access to cataract surgery can have is seen through stories such as Margaret and her 12-year-old son, Suganiza now christened Chisomo. Sightsavers was able to support the mother and son to have the surgery needed to restore their sight. In Malawi, Sightsavers is supporting the government and other partners to enhance vision and eye health services. This includes provision of sight restoring cataract surgeries, treatment of eye ailments, screening children and teachers in schools and provision of glasses, training eye health personnel, provision of glaucoma care and supporting climate resilient interventions. As Malawi joins the rest of the international community in celebrating World Sight Day on 9 October, Sightsavers has called for further action to reduce the global burden of avoidable vision impairment such as uncorrected refractive errors and cataract. Bright Chiwaula, Country Director at Sightsavers said: “Making eye care a priority will be transformational for people, communities, and nations. Good eye health can reduce inequities, get more children in school and enable more adults to work. Access to glasses and cataract surgery could boost learning and economic productivity.” “We commend existing efforts from governments, donors, decision-makers, NGOs, and other partners, but big changes are still needed to make avoidable vision impairment truly avoidable. We need global leadership and commitments, funding and partnerships, to deliver solutions that tackle avoidable vision impairment,” Chiwaula said. Increased investment in eye care from governments, philanthropists and organisations will unlock the potential for more people in Malawi to learn, earn and prosper. A new research from IAPB, Seva Foundation and Fred Hollows Foundation estimates that addressing preventable vision impairment by 2030 would return US$8.52 million to the country’s economy. It is also estimated that the impact of prioritising vision and eye care could generate the equivalent of 2,019 school years. It added that the Vision and eye care is often a ‘missing’ topic in health and development priorities, but at least 1 billion people worldwide – that’s one in eight of people – have an untreated or preventable vision impairment. Eye health interventions including cataract surgery and glasses are cost-effective, with an estimated return on investment in low to middle income countries of US$28 for every dollar invested 3. Yet, the right to sight is not universal. More than 85% of people with vision impairment live in low and middle income countries. Shockingly, 70% of people with refractive error in Africa do not have the glasses they need. Women also account for more than half of blindness and visual impairment across the world. By Mwai Mtumodzi The post How cataract surgery transformed a mother and son’s lives in Dedza appeared first on Malawi Broadcasting Corporation.

Uganda has launched one of Africa’s most ambitious blockchain initiatives to date, a $5.5 billion real-world asset tokenization project paired with the country’s first central bank digital currency (CBDC) pilot. The new initiative, led by the Global Settlement Network (GSN) and Uganda’s Diacente Group, will bring $5.5 billion worth of physical infrastructure assets on-chain. The tokenized portfolio will span sectors such as food production, mining, renewable energy, and trade. The rollout includes a pilot of Uganda’s digital shilling, a CBDC backed by Ugandan treasury bonds and deployed on GSN’s permissioned blockchain. The move comes as neighboring Kenya advances its Virtual Asset Service Providers (VASP) Bill, marking a significant moment for digital finance regulation and infrastructure development across East Africa. From Kampala to Nairobi: East Africa Accelerates Toward a Regulated Digital Economy According to GSN co-founder Ryan Kirkley, the initiative represents a major step toward linking blockchain technology with tangible development outcomes. “We’re building infrastructure that goes beyond theory — a programmable economy grounded in real assets, regulatory collaboration, and mass accessibility,” he said. The CBDC is designed to operate in a regulated environment and comply with international standards, including Know-Your-Customer (KYC) and Anti-Money Laundering (AML) protocols. BREAKING: MPs have passed a Bill granting investigators the power to shut down social media accounts spreading what they term is Harmful Content before it circulates. — EDGAR  (@edgarwabwire_) October 8, 2025 It will be accessible through smartphones and USSD technology, allowing over 40 million Ugandans to transact using a secure, mobile-first digital currency for the first time. The partnership supports Uganda’s Vision 2040 and aligns with the African Union’s Agenda 2063, as well as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) framework. The Karamoja Green Industrial and Special Economic Zone (GISEZ), managed by Diacente, is at the core of this rollout and has been designated a national flagship under Uganda’s Karamoja Regional Development Plan (2025–2035). The project is expected to create over one million jobs and could generate up to $10 billion in annual exports, reinforcing Uganda’s position as a regional digital and industrial hub. Diacente Group Chairman Edgar Agaba added that the partnership “goes beyond infrastructure,” emphasizing that integrating tokenization and CBDCs into Uganda’s economic roadmap will help attract new capital, empower local industries, and drive sustainable growth. Meanwhile, Kenya is making progress on its own crypto regulation efforts. The country’s National Assembly has advanced the Virtual Asset Service Providers (VASP) Bill (N.A. Bill No. 15 of 2025) to the third reading stage. The legislation, which grants oversight powers to the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) and the Capital Markets Authority (CMA), seeks to regulate digital assets and combat risks such as money laundering and terrorism financing. Kuria Kimani, Chair of the Finance and National Planning Committee, emphasized the bill’s role in protecting Kenya’s monetary system while fostering innovation. The Treasury will have the authority to issue additional regulations covering stablecoins, tokenization, exchanges, ICOs, and cybersecurity requirements. If approved, the bill will move to President William Ruto for signature. Local industry group VACC noted that the legislation places Kenya among Africa’s top five nations advancing comprehensive crypto regulations, opening doors for innovation and investment in the region’s growing digital economy. Sub-Saharan Africa Emerges as a Global Crypto Growth Leader With $205B in Transactions Sub-Saharan Africa has emerged as one of the fastest-growing regions for digital asset adoption, according to a September report from blockchain analytics firm Chainalysis. The region, which includes countries such as Uganda and Kenya, received $205 billion in on-chain value between July 2024 and June 2025, ranking third globally for growth. Nigeria remains the continent’s leader in digital currency innovation, having launched Africa’s first central bank digital currency (CBDC) in 2021. Ghana and South Africa have completed pilots, while Egypt plans a rollout by 2030. Kenya and Rwanda are still conducting public consultations. Statista projects that Africa’s crypto user base could surpass 75 million by 2026, generating an estimated $5.1 billion in revenue. Stablecoins now account for 43% of Sub-Saharan Africa’s total crypto transaction volume, driven by Nigeria, South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Zambia.  @Ripple has extended the reach of its RLUSD stablecoin into Africa, forming new partnerships with fintech platforms.#Ripple #Africahttps://t.co/2KKP8wXwaZ — Cryptonews.com (@cryptonews) September 4, 2025 Ripple recently expanded its U.S. dollar-backed stablecoin, RLUSD, across the continent through partnerships with Chipper Cash, VALR, and Yellow Card. The token is being tested in remittance, treasury, and climate-insurance applications. In June, Visa also partnered with Yellow Card to expand stablecoin payments across Africa, starting with pilot programs this year. @visa and @yellowcard_app have partnered to expand stablecoin-powered payments across Africa.#stablecoin #Visahttps://t.co/nB85xKKAXa — Cryptonews.com (@cryptonews) June 19, 2025 Regulatory momentum continues to build. Kenya’s proposed Virtual Asset Service Providers Bill is viewed as a potential model for regional frameworks, while Mauritius, Botswana, and several Central African nations have already passed formal crypto laws. Despite rapid growth, over 80% of intra-African payments still rely on foreign banks, showing the demand for local digital payment infrastructure. The post Uganda Unleashes $5.5B Tokenization Push and CBDC Pilot as Kenya Finalizes Crypto Bill appeared first on Cryptonews.

 By Dr. Tendai Moyo, Governance and Political Analyst HARARE, Zimbabwe – Having just returned from Blantyre where I witnessed the inauguration as part of President Mnangagwa’s delegation, I am compelled to reflect on a speech that I believe marks a significant turning point. From my perspective as a governance analyst, President Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika’s address today was a masterclass in political reset, one that should be studied across our region. We attend many such ceremonies in Southern Africa, often filled with predictable platitudes and celebratory fanfare. What we witnessed from President Mutharika in Kamuzu Stadium was something fundamentally different. This was not the same leader we have observed in the past; this was a President who has shed any ambivalence and has chosen to define his legacy with stark clarity. His declaration that “Government is not a feast, a night club, a political party” was more than just rhetoric. It was a foundational philosophy, a direct repudiation of the patronage systems that have hindered progress in many of our nations. When he thundered, “the honeymoon of plundering government resources is over,” the atmosphere in the stadium shifted. This was a targeted declaration of war on corruption, delivered with a resolve that signals a new chapter. The most telling moment was his personal, unequivocal warning: “If anyone acts to the contrary, I will go after him or her. Never say I never warned you.” In our political context, where such warnings are often diluted by expediency, this was a breathtakingly direct signal of intent. This is the language of a leader who means business, and it resonates deeply with citizens across borders who are weary of seeing public resources treated as private treasure. President Mnangagwa, who has himself championed the need for economic discipline and anti-corruption drives, would have recognised in Mutharika’s speech a kindred spirit in the difficult battle to reform governance. The challenges Mutharika outlined, foreign exchange shortages, food insecurity, are hauntingly familiar to us here in Zimbabwe. His solution, however, marks a critical point of analysis. By calling for “patience, discipline, and hard work” from all Malawians, he is correctly framing national recovery not as a gift from the state, but as a shared contract between the government and its people. The invitation to international investors was equally astute. It was an assurance that this new era of internal accountability is designed to build a stable and predictable environment for business. This is smart economics, signalling that Malawi under this renewed leadership understands that integrity is the foundational currency of international confidence. In my analysis, viewed from here in Harare, President Mutharika has done something politically shrewd. He has used the potent platform of his inauguration, with regional leaders as witnesses, to burn his bridges with the old way of doing things. He has set a very high bar for his administration. The speech was, without a doubt, superb. It was the right message, delivered with the right tone, at the most opportune moment. But the true test starts now. If President Mutharika can match the force of his words with the force of his actions, then today will be remembered not just for a great speech, but as the genuine start of Malawi’s national recovery. For the sake of our region and its people, we hope he succeeds. The post A New Chapter for Malawi? Mutharika’s Inaugural Speech a Masterclass in Political Reset appeared first on The Maravi Post.