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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 29/09/2026
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Neighbourhood in Bangkok’s Bang Khen district still underwater
Neighbourhood in Bangkok’s Bang Khen district still underwater Photos: Ginger Cat While floodwaters have receded from most locations in central Bangkok, the Saphan Mai neighbourhood in Bang Khen district is still underwater. As of Tuesday (29 September), side streets and communities near canals in Saphan Mai are still flooded. In Ruamjai Pattana Nuea community, which lines a canal, several areas remain under deep floodwater. Some houses in the community are lower than the street level and are the worst affected.  One resident said they own a boat and the district director brought residents food. The community flooded in 2011, when the water level was much higher, but this time the flood came suddenly and they did not have time to put her belongings on high grounds. Another resident said that the 2011 flood was worse, but she could not go out to get supplies because she is elderly. Community leaders have been bringing her food. Some residents have been scooping water out of their houses to prevent it from becoming stagnant. In some locations, the water is starting to become putrid as waste is caught in the area. Another resident has been transporting people in and out of the community in a boat. The resident said that the water is now lower than before, but normal travel is still not possible. Residents also said that people with two-storey houses can use the toilet and cook on the second floor, while those with single-storey houses cannot use the toilet or kitchen as the first floor of their houses are still flooded. Some said that they try to limit their water use, while others said they have been using trash bags in lieu of a toilet. Residents said that food have been brought in by government agencies and other individuals, such as the Land Development Department, the district director, local community leaders, and People’s Party MP Suphanat Minchaiynunt. They would like the authorities to drain the water from the community so they can return to normal routine. Meanwhile, stretches of Phahonyothin Road and its side streets remain flooded, such as in front of Big C Saphan Mai supermarket. Despite the flood, vendors have been setting up roadside food stalls, and deliver riders were coming back to work. For the locals, they still have to wade through water to get supplies, while some needed a boat to get through deep water in several locations. Some roadside shops were damaged by the flood and remain closed. Parts of Bangkok have been flooded since Saturday morning (26 September) following days of continuous heavy rain, rendering several main roads impassable. Floodwater have now receded from inner city locations and most of the main thoroughfares. However, eastern districts like Bang Khen, Bang Kapi, and Lat Krabang remain the worst affected. These locations are now entering their fifth day of flood. eng editor 1 Tue, 2026-09-29 - 23:56 * News * Flood * Bangkok flood 2026 * Natural disaster (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 29/09/2026
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Constitutional Court upholds legality of ballot barcodes in 2026 general election
Constitutional Court upholds legality of ballot barcodes in 2026 general election The Constitutional Court has ruled that there was no illegality in the use of barcodes on the constituency ballots and party list MP ballots in the 8 February general election, and that the allegedly disclosure of voter identities did not violate the Constitution. The case stems from 22 complaints against the Election Commission (ECT) over the inclusion on ballot papers of controversial barcodes and QR codes. The Constitutional Court judges ruled, by 8 votes to 1, that the barcodes and QR codes on ballot papers were not unconstitutional. The QR codes on constituency ballot papers had to be decrypted to reveal a number corresponding to one on the ballot booklet. Since each ballot booklet contained 20 ballot papers, The barcodes could reveal individual voter identities only under the specific scenario where all 20 voters receiving ballot papers from the same booklet voted for the same candidate. The Court stated that such a scenario was highly unlikely. The Court concluded that the barcodes on the constituency ballot papers could not be used to identify how individual voters voted.  The party list MPs’ ballots had a QR code on the top and barcode at the bottom. It was found that the barcodes directly revealed a number which matched the one on the ballot stub, making it possible to track individual voters and how they voted. However, the Court stated that the identification of individual voters would require access to additional materials, including ballot stubs and voter lists, which were kept separately and securely. This made it impossible for ordinary citizens or even state officials to track individual voters, because when a voter enters a polling station, the polling official write on the ballot stub the voter’s number according to the voter list. The Election Commission officials responsible for each constituency retain the ballots and ballot stubs, while the voter lists must be submitted to the local registrar within three days. As a result, it is impossible to access all three sets of documents. The Court clarified that the secrecy o/f the ballot can be divided into two principles: “absolute secrecy” and “conditional secrecy”. Absolute secrecy requires that ballots be confidential, with no way to link ballot papers to individual voters This, however, contains the drawback is that all ballot papers will be identical, making them easier to counterfeit and making it difficult to investigate electoral fraud. Under the principle of conditional secrecy, ballots remain confidential, but specific markings may be added to ballot papers in order to help prevent counterfeiting and electoral fraud. The Court noted that this principle reflects the intent of the Constitution. The Court concluded that the barcodes and QR codes in this case were included to control the production of the ballots and to make it easier to track which constituencies specific ballot booklets were allocated to. They were also intended to ensure the integrity of the election administration process. Ultimately, the Court concluded that the voting procedures in the 2026 general election did not violate the constitutional principle of direct and secret suffrage prescribed in the Constitution. To restore public trust, the Court also ordered the ECT to implement measures to ensure that ballots are designed without any traceable markings and are securely stored. Barcode case saga After the 8 February 2026 general election, the ECT, which had been allocated over 7.8 billion of taxpayers’ money to stage the election, faced a legitimacy crisis over the transparency of the polls. Serious concerns were raised by the discovery of barcodes and QR codes with unique numbers on ballot papers.  Thai netizens raised concerns that each ballot paper may have been assigned a unique running number, as it was found that the 20 ballot papers in each booklet carried different numbers. The number on each ballot paper corresponded to the one on the ballot stub. Each ballot paper could therefore be scanned to connect it to its ballot stub where voters are required to sign their names. The ballot stub also contains the voter’s number from the voting lists in each constituency. This made it possible to identify which voter completed each ballot paper and which MPs or parties they voted for. On 13 February, the ECT argued that the election law allows it to prescribe codes or marks on ballot papers as a safeguard against “forgery”. The barcodes were also used to track the polling stations where the ballots were distributed, and that would help prevent ghost voting and electoral fraud. The ECT also asserted that identifying individual voters was impossible. It said that this would require access to additional materials, including ballot stubs and voting lists, which are now kept separately, and that the Commission could not verify whether the numbers on the barcodes aligned with the ballot stubs as requested by the media and general public. These concerns led to dozens of complaints filed with the Constitutional Court, asking for a ruling on whether the barcodes on ballots violated the secret ballot guaranteed in the Constitution. If it had ruled that the barcodes and QR codes violated the Constitution, the 8 February election could be declared void. On 22 February, a re-run election was held in Constituency 15 in Bangkok’s Khan Na Yao District where citizens gathered at one polling station to observe vote-counting to ensure electoral transparency. They allegedly took photos of marked ballot papers and zoomed in to display the controversial QR code on each ballot paper. They then attempted to decode the barcodes in question to demonstrate that the elections lacked transparency. The ECT later sued several citizens involved in this action for sedition and membership of an unlawful secret society.  On 10 March, the Ombudsman resolved to forward to the Constitutional Court 22 complaints that it had received, noting that there were grounds to question whether the ECT infringed on voters’ rights and freedoms, potentially violating ballot secrecy. On 18 March, the Constitutional Court judges resolved, by 6 votes to 3, to accept the 22 complaints forwarded by the Ombudsman.   The Court held a witness hearing on 26 August. The witnesses included the ECT Secretary-General Sawaeng Boonmee, two other ECT officials, and two individuals from printing companies. On the following day, the Constitutional judges also conducted an on-site inspection of the venue where the ballot papers, ballot stubs and other relevant materials were kept.  eng editor 3 Tue, 2026-09-29 - 11:02 * News * Constitutional court * 2026 General Elections * Ballot secrecy * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 28/09/2026
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Royal defamation detainee released after serving three-year sentence
Royal defamation detainee released after serving three-year sentence A 23-year-old former secondhand clothes vendor sentenced to prison on a royal defamation charge was released yesterday (27 September) after completing his three-year sentence. Weeraphap Wongsaman was charged with royal defamation for spraying painting a message calling for monarchy reform during a protest at the Din Daeng Intersection in September 2021. He was sentenced to 3 years in prison on 28 September 2023. He was subsequently denied  bail by the Appeal Court and has been detained since. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said that, in October 2025, Weeraphap withdrew his appeal as he has been detained for a long time and being detained pending appeal means he is not eligible for pardon, sentence reduction, or parole. On Sunday morning (27 September), activists and regular protest goers waited in front of the Bangkok Remand Prison despite deep floodwater. He was released at around 8.00. He then boarded a large truck driven by prison personnel to Ngam Wong Wan Road, where his father was waiting for him. The Bangkok Remand Prison and its vicinity has been affected by continuous heavy rain and flooding in Bangkok. As of Sunday (27 September), the prison was surrounded by deep floodwater and officials had to travel by large vehicles or boats to get in and out of the prison. Weeraphap said that the situation inside the prison has been difficult. Due to the flood, which he said was about knee-deep inside the prison, the use of water has been limited as the prison’s power generator and water pimp are on lower grounds. All activities have been cancelled, and food and drinking water amount have been reduced. He and other royal defamation detainees are held on the ground floor. When the cells were flooded, they were moved to the upper floor  and had to sleep in the hallway.  According to TLHR, 54 people remain imprisoned on charges relating to political expression or paticipation in protests, 30 of whom are detained for royal defamation. eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-09-28 - 15:34 * News * Weeraphap Wongsaman * Section 112 * Royal defamation * Din Daeng Intersection (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 26/09/2026
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Empower Foundation demands ministerial support for sex worker protection law
Empower Foundation demands ministerial support for sex worker protection law Representatives of the sex worker rights group Empower Foundation and other civil society groups marched from Ratchadamnoen Road to the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security (MSDHS) on Thursday (24 September) to call for Ministry support of a sex worker protection bill proposed by civil society organisations.  In an announcement, the Foundation noted that civil groups have spent some 40 years campaigning for sex work decriminalisation and demanded that sex workers have a say in drafting a law that directly affects them. The bill, backed by 10,293 voters, calls for the repeal of the 1996 anti-sex work law and outlines protection for sex workers. Empower formally proposed the draft in June 2026. On 10 July, in a meeting of the House Speaker and House Committee chairs, it was deemed to be a finance-related bill that must be approved by the Prime Minister before being considered in Parliament.  Civil society groups later raised concerns that Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul would shelve the bill.  It could be dismissed entirely if he does not sign off on it. At the Ministry, sex workers took turns giving speeches about the work-related rights violations they experienced, including underpayment and exploitation by employers, harassment from customers and the police, and discrimination against trans women and migrant sex workers. Empower said in a statement that the network is calling for the MSDHS to support sex worker protection in accordance with the recommendations made by the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which called on Thailand to decriminalise sex work and protect labour rights. It noted that it has been waiting over 2 months for the Prime Minister to approve the bill. Acknowledging that MSDHS drafted its own version of a sex worker protection bill in 2023, it added that no progress has been made in adopting it.  Empower also disagreed with amendments in the Ministry draft, which included punishments for sex workers, as well as a provision that social security insurance for sex workers would be a financial burden for the government.  The Foundation stated that sex workers should be given the same rights as other labourers.  It also noted that a sex worker protection centre proposed in the bill could be set up using existing MSDHS agencies without the need to form a new system. Empower called on the Minister of Social Development and Human Security to push for Prime Ministerial approval of the draft so that it can be publicly debated in Parliament. It also asked that sex workers be included in every step of the legislative process. Anekchai Rueangrattanakorn, advisor to the Minister of Social Development and Human Security, received the petition. Asked if the MSDHS would push for the bill, he said that the Ministry had yet to receive any communication on the matter from the Prime Minister‘s Office.  The Ministry of Labour and the Ministry of Public Health have reportedly already contacted however and both have informed the Prime Minister‘s Office and Empower that they support the bill. Group members stayed at the Ministry until evening to hear back from Ministry representatives. Anekchai returned at 17.30 to inform them that the Ministry has received the petition and would need 2 weeks to follow up on the matter. Empower representatives plan to  return to the Ministry in two weeks for answers. eng editor 1 Sat, 2026-09-26 - 23:51 * News * Sex worker * Sex worker rights * Empower Foundation * 1996 Prevention and Suppression of Prostitution Act * Ministry of Social Development and Human Security (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 26/09/2026
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Social Security Board election postponed due to flood
Social Security Board election postponed due to flood The Social Security Board election, which was to take place tomorrow (27 September), has been postponed to 11 October due to heavy rain and flooding in several areas. The Social Security Office said that the election is being postponed so that the election can be conducted fairly, ensure that voters can participate, and so that no particular candidate would be put at a disadvantage. Heavy rain and flooding have been reported in several areas of the country. The Social Security Office said that this may affect voters’ ability to get to the poll and disrupt the voting process. A meeting of board election commission therefore decided on Saturday (26 September) to postpone the election.  Calls for the Social Security Board election to be postponed began on Saturday morning (26 September). The Progressive Social Security group, a team of reformist candidates running in the election, issued a statement saying that the flood situation mean voters may not be able to fully participate and going ahead with the election as scheduled would mean disenfranchising voters in flooded areas. Sahassawat Kumkong, a People‘s Party MP for Chonburi, published an open letter to the Minister of Labour and the Social Security Board election commission calling for postponement. He said that over half of those eligible to vote in the Social Security Board election are registered in Bangkok, Chonburi, Samut Prakan, Nontaburi, Pathumthani, and Rayong — areas on alert for heavy rain and flood. Voters in these areas or may be preoccupied with moving their belongings out of the flood or taking care of family, and should not be asked to put themselves at more risk than others to get to the poll. The election observation network We Watch issued a statement calling on the Social Security Office and the board election commission to postpone the election. Flooding would affect the voting process, and although some polling stations might be able to open, voters who live in flooded areas may not be able to get to their designated polling station. Polling officials might also be among those affected by the flood.  Panas Thailuan, President of the National Congress of Thai Labour and a candidate in the Social Security Board election, wrote on his Facebook page that the election should be postponed so that every candidate are competing on even ground. Bangkok declared all 50 of its districts a public disaster zone after nearly 48 hours of coninuous rain caused flooding in several areas and closure of several main roads. Flooding has also been reported in other provinces, while the Thai Meteorological Department has issued a heavy rain warning until Sunday (27 September).   eng editor 1 Sat, 2026-09-26 - 23:35 * News * Social Security Board * Social Security * Flood (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 26/09/2026
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Bangkok declared public disaster zone after sustained rainfall, flooding
Bangkok declared public disaster zone after sustained rainfall, flooding All 50 districts of Bangkok have been declared a public disaster zones after sustained rainfall caused widespread flooding across the city. The Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) announced this morning (26 September) that the declaration, which previously covered three districts, has been extended to cover all of Bangkok to enable relevant agencies to promptly and systematically respond to the situation. Several main roads have been flooded, with some impassable, including stretches of Vibhavadi Road, Ratchadapisek Road, Phattanakan Road, Chaeng Wattana Road, Phaholyothin Road, and New Phetchaburi Road, as well as side streets in Lat Phrao and Ramkhamhaeng. Small cars are advised to avoid heavily flooded locations due to safety concerns. Residents can check which locations are flooded on the BMA’s flood alert website before travel. Meanwhile, those living near canals have been advised to move cars and belongings to high grounds. Nearly 48 hours of continuous rains have caused widespread flooding in several areas of the city, especially in the eastern districts, said Bangkok governor Chadchart Sittipunt on Saturday morning (26 September). Several districts, including Min Buri and Klong Sam Wa, experienced almost 300 milimetres of accumulated rainfall, while more water is coming down from Pathumthani and Nontaburi. The BMA is working to reduce water levels in main canals, provide assistance to vulnerable population, and open temporary shelters. Residents are advised to stay home due to flooding on main roads. On social media, netizens reported convenience stores and supermarkets being emptied as residents stock up on essentials in case the flood worsens. Meanwhile, the Thai Meteorological Department has issued a heavy rain warning until 27 September, with continuous rainfall and isolated heavy to very heavy rain likely in the central region including Bangkok and its vicinity. Floodings have also been reported in Nontaburi, Pathumthani, Nakhon Pathom, and Ayutthaya. People living in low-lying areas along the Chao Phraya River and downstream from the Chao Phraya Dam have been advised to be on alert as discharges from the dam are gradually being increased.   eng editor 1 Sat, 2026-09-26 - 16:04 * News * Bangkok * Flood * Natural disaster (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 25/09/2026
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Activist network calls for repeal of 1976 coup-era order
Activist network calls for repeal of 1976 coup-era order The October 6 Memorial Network has filed petitions with the Bhumjaithai Party and the People’s Party calling for the repeal of an order made following the military coup of 1976 which increased the penalty for royal defamation. Network representatives at the People‘s Party headquarters. (Photo by Ginger Cat) Network representatives visited the Bhumjaithai Party on the morning of 22 September, before going to the People‘s Party in the afternoon. The network also plans to visit the Democrat Party on 28 September and the Pheu Thai Party on 29 September. The petition is part of a campaign marking the 50th anniversary of the 6 October 1976 Thammasat University Massacre, a violent crackdown and lynching by police and right-wing paramilitaries of protesters gathering at Thammasat University and nearby Sanam Luang to protest the return of Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn. The massacre resulted in the death of at least 45 people. That evening, Admiral Sangad Chaloryu ousted the government of Seni Pramoj in a military coup. He became head of the National Administrative Reform Council (NARC), the junta which would rule Thailand until 1980.  Within 15 days after the coup, the NARC issued Order 41, amending the Criminal Code to increase the penalties for several offences, such as defaming a foreign head of state, insulting a place of worship, flag desecration, defamation, and defamation by publication. It also increased the penalty for royal defamation from up to 7 years to between 3 and 15 years. The October 6 Memorial Network plans to propose a bill repealing Order 41 and has launched an online campaign for voters to back the bill at https://decoup6octsins.com/. As of 25 September, the bill had over 25,000 signatures. In its petition, the Network calls on political parties to back their proposal. The NARC no longer exists, says the petition, but the effects of its order still linger as people continue to be detained on royal defamation and similar charges. Repealing the order would show that juntas and their laws have no place in Thai society. Relics of military coups should not be allowed to stand without review, says the statement. eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-09-25 - 17:14 * News * Thammasat University massacre * 6 October 1976 * Section 112 * Royal defamation (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 25/09/2026
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Thailand passes new deportation regulation despite human rights concerns
Thailand passes new deportation regulation despite human rights concerns A new regulation concerning the deportation of foreign nationals came into effect on 28 August, despite warnings from civil society groups that the proposed framework could weaken due process, undermine existing human rights safeguards and create uncertainty in the country’s relations with foreign governments and international organisations. The government says that the regulation is meant to make deportation of foreign nationals who break the law more efficient and improve coordination among agencies responsible for immigration, corrections and foreign affairs. It states that foreign nationals who commit six categories of offences will be deported after serving their sentences. These include illegal entry or stay, violations of foreign-worker legislation, violations of foreign-business laws, forgery or use of forged official documents, criminal offences carrying imprisonment of five years or more, and people acting as principals, instigators or supporters of those offences. The regulation would also strengthen coordination between government agencies. The Department of Corrections would be required to notify the Interior Ministry before a foreign prisoner is released, allowing the Interior Minister to consider a deportation order without delay. The government argues that the system would close administrative gaps and prevent foreign nationals who have violated Thai law from remaining in the country because of procedural delays. Civil society raises concerns over due process, non-refoulement A draft of the regulation was approved by the Cabinet on 14 July. Civil society groups then campaigned for it to be suspended and reviewed before adoption. Organizations like the Thailand Migration Reform Consortium (TMR), the Migrant Working Group (MWG), and the Coalition for the Rights of Refugees and Stateless Persons (CRSP) said Thailand does not lack the sovereign authority to deport people, but raised concerns that the proposed mechanism could allow that authority to be exercised without sufficient legal and procedural safeguards. “Deportation, in and of itself, does not constitute a human rights violation, provided that it is carried out in accordance with the rule of law,” the three organizations said in a statement issued on 15 July. They call on the government to incorporate legal safeguards into the regulation, including an explicit non-refoulement provision in line with Thailand’s anti-torture and enforced disappearance law. The regulation must also guarantee due process and individualised risk assessment prior to removal, as well as protection for children and family unity. The coalition is also calling for stronger safeguards governing immigration detention. The regulation does not establish a clear maximum period of detention, judicial review mechanisms, or a clear time limit and review procedures for re-entry ban. Without effective review mechanisms, a system designed to speed up deportation could potentially leave people in prolonged detention when removal itself is not practically possible. The groups said that the regulation presents structural concerns that could affect compliance with international human rights treaties to which Thailand is a state party. They also raise concerns about the hierarchy of laws and the coherence of Thailand’s legal framework. Thailand already has several laws governing immigration, deportation, child protection and trafficking, and the coalition argues that the problem is not a lack of legal authority but the fragmentation of existing rules. Introducing another executive regulation risks adding another layer to an already complicated system. They argue that this could weaken legislative scrutiny and create uncertainty if subordinate legislation conflicts with provisions or principles contained in primary legislation They are also concerned about using a Prime Minister’s Office regulation to establish rules that directly affect fundamental rights instead of going through the legislative process in parliament. The most serious human rights concern raised by the civil society is about those who cannot safely return to their country of origin. The regulation states that people whose nationality cannot be determined will be sent back to the country where they last habitually resided. It does not explicitly require individual risk assessment of whether the person being deported will be safe upon return. This creates particular risks for stateless persons and those whose nationality is disputed. For the civil society, the absence of explicit safeguards could mean an individual is removed before the risks awaiting them have been properly assessed. Thailand‘s Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act prohibits the return of individuals to countries where they would be in danger. Meanwhile, UN experts have stressed that removal decisions should involve an individual assessment of protection needs and access to fair procedures and an independent mechanism for challenging negative decisions. Another concern is that there is no procedural guarantee of due process. The groups have called for guarantees that individuals facing deportation will be told the reasons they are being deported, receive copies of relevant orders and evidence, obtain interpretation, or have access to legal counsel. They also called for an appeal mechanism that can suspend deportation where removal could expose an individual to serious harm and for access to a court or independent body with the authority to suspend removal while a serious protection claim is being examined. Another concern is the breadth of some of the proposed grounds for deportation. Civil society groups say terms such as “principal offender, instigator, or supporter” could create uncertainty if they are not accompanied by clear evidentiary standards. They also question provisions that could permit removal without requiring a final criminal conviction in every circumstance. A diplomatic problem hiding in the draft The civil society coalition has raised a second, less conventional concern: the language of the explanatory memorandum accompanying the draft. According to the coalition, the memorandum suggests that when a foreign government or international organisation asks Thailand not to return an individual but does not promptly take custody, this may indicate that the reasons given for the request are not genuinely serious or that the requesting party does not sincerely intend to receive the person. The groups say such wording is problematic because delays in receiving a person can have many explanations, including security screening, visa procedures, refugee-admission processes, legal restrictions and coordination between multiple governments. A delay, they argue, does not by itself establish that a protection claim is not genuine. The coalition therefore wants the language removed and replaced with neutral criteria based on measurable factors such as reasonable deadlines and demonstrable progress by the requesting government or organisation. The OECD question The concern is particularly sensitive for Thailand, which is seeking closer international cooperation on migration and has also opened accession discussions with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Thailand formally entered OECD accession discussions in 2024. The OECD Council’s decision made clear that Thailand would be required to complete extensive technical reviews and adopt necessary legislative changes as part of the accession process. Civil society groups argue that the proposed deportation regulation could therefore have implications beyond immigration policy. They point to three areas: rule of law, human rights protections and regulatory quality. The coalition also warns that uncertainty surrounding migrant workers could affect sectors already dependent on foreign labour, including construction, agriculture, food processing, services and tourism. However, some of the coalition’s broader economic projections — including the claim that failure to meet OECD-related standards could cost Thailand approximately 1.6 per cent of GDP — should be treated as an advocacy estimate rather than an established OECD forecast. The OECD’s official accession documents confirm the significance of legislative and institutional reforms but do not establish that the proposed deportation regulation itself would produce a specific GDP loss. That distinction is important as the debate moves from human rights advocacy into economic policy.   eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-09-25 - 17:03 * News * migrant workers * deportation * immigration * Refugee (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 24/09/2026
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Thai Court to rule on detention of Chinese journalist on 9 October
Thai Court to rule on detention of Chinese journalist on 9 October The South Bangkok Criminal Court will rule on 9 October whether Bai Zhaodong, a Chinese journalist and UN-recognised refugee held in immigration detention, is being unlawfully detained.  A hearing took place on 18 September at the South Bangkok Criminal Court after Bai’s lawyers filed a petition requesting his release due to unlawful detention. According to the Immigration Act, the authorities can detain a person for as long as necessary pending departure to another country. Bai’s lawyers have argued that the Immigration Bureau may no longer have a reason to detain Bai since a third country has already approved his resettlement.  Bai was brought to court for the hearing. He testified that he was detained 6 times by the Chinese authorities. During each detention, he was placed on a chair with his hands tied behind his back and interrogated for 24 hours straight while officers beat him. He would then be released without being formally charged. He said that he came to Thailand in mid-2024 after being advised to do so by a friend. Nadthasiri Bergman, Bai’s lawyer, said that Bai has tried to apply for a visa extension, but his application was refused and he was told that he has an arrest warrant on a charge of extortion issued by the Public Security Bureau of Yulin City. Bai subsequently filed an application with the UNHCR to be recognised as a refugee and received refugee status. Bai previously said that the extortion charge was fabricated so that the Chinese authorities would have an excuse to bring him back to China.  Bai said that during his stay in Thailand, strangers often came asking around for him. This made him feel unsafe and he had to move around often. In 2025, he was detained by immigration officers in Chiang Mai. He also said that he does not know what would happen to him if he is deported to China. Pol Lt Col Anan Insai from the Immigration Bureau‘s Investigation Division said that the Chinese authorities first requested Bai‘s extradition in 2024. He said that Bai was originally staying in Thailand on a visa which was valid until 31 October 2024. On 28 October 2024, the Foreign Affairs Division of the Royal Thai Police received a letter from the Chinese Embassy stating that Bai was wanted in China. The Immigration Bureau revoked his visa on 11 December 2024. On 30 May 2025, Bai was arrested in Chiang Mai for staying in Thailand without a visa. He was sentenced to 2 months in prison and fined 2000 baht. His sentence was suspended for 2 years. Pol Lt Col Anan said that on 3 June 2025, the Chinese Embassy send an informal letter to the Foreign Affairs Division requesting Bai’s extradition. Meanwhile, Bai was granted bail from immigration detention. He was subsequently approved for resettlement. With his flight scheduled for 5 February 2026, Bai reported to the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Centre and was detained there while waiting for the Thai authorities to grant his exit permit. On 16 September, the Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Bai on charges of extortion, triggering the extradition process. Bai‘s lawyer asked Pol Lt Col Anan why the Immigration Bureau did not allow Bai to leave for resettlement. Pol Lt Col Anan said he was not sure because he is only responsible for detention, but he speculated that Bai was not allowed to leave because the Immigration Bureau had to check with the Office of the Attorney General, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the police if there is an extradition request for Bai. The Office of the Attorney General and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs told the Foreign Affairs Division on 4 August 2026 that Bai is in the process of being extradited. Bai’s lawyer requested that the Court question Immigration Bureau representatives on when the Bureau receive a formal extradition request for Bai and whether there is documentation to confirm it. However, Pol Lt Col Anan did not bring the document to court. Nadthasiri told reporters after the hearing that Bai’s legal team will have to protest his extradition. She explained that when an extradition request is filed, the Thai authorities will check whether it was filed according to the legal procedure and if it was, the individual will be extradited. Nadthasiri said that the arrest warrant will be presented to Bai, who will be taken to the Criminal Court to be formally charged. He will then be detained at the Bangkok Remand Prison pending extradition. She alleged that the Chinese authorities tried to pressure Bai into returning to China voluntarily. A few days before the hearing, she learned that Chinese officials visited Bai‘s family and asked his child to try to convince Bai to return to China. The Criminal Court also issued an arrest warrant for Bai on 16 September, only 2 days before the hearing. For her, this shows that China will try everything to bring him back. When asked if there is a possibility of halting Bai‘s extradition, Nadthasiri said that the chances are slim but Bai‘s legal representation will try their best. She noted that the human rights situation in Thailand is not good since it seems like the government is friendly with China.  “It is clear in this case that there has been pressure from China since the beginning. It may not be directed at me, but they use the legal process and every means they have to put Bai Zhadong in the most difficult position so that he would agree to go back to China,” Nadthasiri said. Bai is a former investigative journalist for Caijing magazine. His work exposed large-scale corruption and a money laundering network involving local government officials and high-ranking officials in the Chinese Communist Party.  Between 2011 and 2022, at least five charges were brought against him by various public departments across the country due to his reporting on fraud and corruption, including a charge of inciting subversion of state power. In September 2024, the Public Security Bureau of Yulin City issued an arrest warrant for Bai on trumped-up charges of extortion. Bai fled China in 2023 and arrived in Thailand in 2024. In January 2026, he was placed in a detention facility pending relocation to a third country, but Thai authorities have barred him from leaving Thailand on scheduled flights twice in February and June. eng editor 1 Thu, 2026-09-24 - 11:45 * News * Bai Zhaodong * Refugee * China * press freedom * non-refoulement * Nadthasiri Bergman (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 22/09/2026
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Activist known for “Lost Faith” shirt faces another royal defamation charge
Activist known for “Lost Faith” shirt faces another royal defamation charge Tiwagorn Withiton, an activist known for wearing a t-shirt printed with “I have lost faith in the monarchy” has been charged with another count of royal defamation over 5 Facebook posts made in 2022. Pattana Sriyai, Tiwagorn‘s lawyer, said he visited Tiwagorn on 18 September. During the visit, Tiwagorn told him that Pol Lt Intrachai Intra, a deputy investigation inspector from the Technology Crime Suppression Division (TCSD)’s Sub-Division 3, visited Tiwagorn on 22 July along with a lawyer from the Lawyers’ Coucil. Tiwagorn was then notified that he is being charged with another count of royal defamation. Pattana said that the charge stemmed from 5 Facebook posts Tiwagorn made in July 2022. The complaint against him was filed by serial complainant Sonthiya Sawasdee. Pattana said that Tiwagorn refused to acknowledge the new charge and did not sign documents. He told his lawyer that Pol Lt Intrachai said to him that he is not a man because he does not own up to his crimes. Tiwagorn responded by hanging up the phone used in the visiting room. He told Pattana he was disgusted and did not want to participate in an unjust process. Pattana said that Tiwagorn wrote a letter to him in early Augsut about the new charge but the letter never arrives. Pattana has not seen documents relating to the case since he has to request it from the prison. Tiwagorn also told the lawyer that he expects more royal defamation charges. Before his imprisonment, he received Facebook messages from members of royalist groups threatening to file complaints against him over a number of Facebook posts. Tiwagorn is currently detained at the Khon Kaen Central Prison. Her was sentenced to 6 years in prison on a royal defamation charge for posting a picture of himself wearing the t-shirt, which went viral in 2020. The Appeal Court in August 2024 overturned the Khon Kaen Provincial Court‘s ruling dismissing the charges against him, finding him guilty and sentencing him to prison. In May 2026, the Supreme Court upheld the Appeal Court‘s ruling. He was also charged with sedition and the Supreme Court is expected to soon issue a verdict. The sedition charge is one of the charges covered by the new political amnesty law, but Pattana said that Tiwagorn does not wish to participate in the amnesty process and wants a Supreme Court verdict. Nevertheless, he said there is nothing he could do if the court decides to dismiss the case under the new amnesty law. eng editor 1 Tue, 2026-09-22 - 12:14 * News * Tiwagorn Withiton * Section 112 * Royal defamation (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 21/09/2026
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Thailand and Cambodia at UNCLOS: where they stand on maritime dispute
Thailand and Cambodia at UNCLOS: where they stand on maritime dispute Thailand and Cambodia have held the first compulsory conciliation meeting over their maritime dispute in the Gulf of Thailand. Their opening statements offered key clues about how each side frames the dispute and what they may seek from the process. The first three-day session (14-16 September) of compulsory conciliation under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) between the two countries was held in Singapore, with Cambodia and Thailand exchanging opening statements on 15 September.  Cambodia does not rule out possibility of a joint development area Prak Sokhonn, Cambodia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, began with Cambodia’s history and its commitment to a peaceful resolution in accordance with international law.  He said that Thailand unilaterally terminated the 2001 MOU in May. With its commitment to peaceful settlement of the dispute, Cambodia chose to initiate compulsory conciliation under UNCLOS. “Cambodia sees this conciliation process as a means to rebuild trust, not a form of escalation,” said Prak Sokhonn.  Cambodia also hopes that Thailand will engage constructively and will work to implement all existing bilateral agreements, particularly the 27 December 2025 joint statement, This would facilitate the return of 20,000 displaced villagers to their homes and the preservation of cultural sites which have been damaged in the fighting. Cambodia’s objective in the proceedings is to conclude a treaty with Thailand in order to delimit a single all-purpose maritime boundary. Alternatively, Cambodia would be prepared to conclude an agreement on the joint development and equitable sharing of resources with Thailand, pending a final agreement on the maritime boundary. If a final agreement on either the maritime boundary or a joint development arrangement cannot be concluded, Cambodia would request the commission to prepare a report containing recommendations to the parties for further settlement. Thailand eyes ‘maritime boundary delimitation’ only In his statement, the Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow as a Deputy stated that Thailand has believed in addressing issues through dialogue. Cambodia has approached the issues differently. It always claims that it respects international law and portrays Thailand as flouting it, but its claims are self-serving and contain elements of hypocrisy.  “When Cambodia leaked a private telephone conversation between our leaders, when Cambodian rockets hit and killed innocent Thai civilians, and when our soldiers lost their legs to landmines planted by Cambodia, where was respect for international law?” said Sihasak. Thailand viewed international law and diplomacy as complementary foundations of peaceful relations between states. The country repeatedly sought resolutions to restore relations.  Instead of engaging fully and sincerely through bilateral dialogue, Cambodia has repeatedly vilified Thailand through false narratives, distortion of facts and unfounded accusations on an almost daily basis, including at international forums. “And it does this by playing the role of a victim with a sense of self-righteousness aimed at claiming the moral high ground,” said the Thai Foreign Minister. Regarding the termination of the 2001 MOU, Cambodia’s claim that Thailand’s decision left it with no option but to initiate these proceedings, is simply not true.  Over a period of 25 years, both counties managed to hold only two rounds of official talks. It is clear that the MOU had produced no concrete progress. Thailand therefore chose to make a fresh start in negotiations.  Thailand also believes that Cambodia’s recent ratification of UNCLOS would have provided a timely opportunity to resume talks. Thailand proposed direct talks on the maritime boundary, but Cambodia disregarded the option.  Sihasak asserted that the scope of these proceedings concerns only delimitation of the maritime boundary between Thailand and Cambodia in the Gulf of Thailand. It does not concern sovereignty over land, including Koh Kut. There has never been a debate on this matter. Thailand also rejects Cambodia’s 1972 continental shelf claim line which is without legal basis. Thailand and Cambodia have disputed maritime boundaries for decades, leading them to enter into the 2001 MOU to delimit the boundary and share the natural resources. Playing along with nationalist sentiment, PM Anutin Charnvirakul vowed to cancel the MOU and kept his word by announcing the termination of the 2001 MOU, citing that it had made no progress.  On 2 June, Cambodia initiated the compulsory conciliation process under UNCLOS, which either party is allowed to invoke without consent from the other party. Compulsory conciliation has previously been invoked only once, in the dispute between Timor-Leste and Australia over the Timor Sea. Thailand later submitted a response agreeing to enter the proceedings, making this only the second case in the history of the international law of the sea. Each country appointed two conciliators, and these four selected a chair to form the Commission. Thailand named Judge Albert J. Hoffmann of South Africa and Judge Rüdiger Wolfrum of Germany. Cambodia named French academic Jean-Marc Thouvenin and Danish diplomat Peter Taksøe-Jensen. Australian diplomat Katrina Cooper was then appointed as the Chair  What do their statements reveal? Given that compulsory conciliation proceedings typically aim at finding common ground for both parties to resolve an issue, several observers expressed concerns over Thailand’s assertive tone, as the proceedings rely on trust from both sides. Ultimately, both Thailand and Cambodia, under the UNCLOS mechanism, will inevitably have to find an amicable solution. The standpoints of both Thailand and Cambodia are also interesting. Cambodia laid out two options: ‘a single all-purpose maritime boundary,’ or ‘an agreement on the joint development and equitable sharing of resources, pending final agreement on a maritime boundary’. The inclusion of joint development also suggests that Cambodia continues to favour the model it has prioritised for the disputed maritime areas. Joint development is part of a provisional arrangement under UNCLOS in which disputing countries agree to share the natural resources pending final maritime delimitation. However, it is not mandatory.  In the Gulf of Thailand, we have seen one example of joint development: between Thailand and Malaysia.  Also, the term ‘equitable’ in Cambodia’s statement does not appear to be random. In the context of UNCLOS, this does not always mean a 50:50 split of resources in the disputed area. Maritime delimitation considers a range of factors, including geography, coastline, historical circumstances, economic considerations, and, in some cases, environmental concerns. Meanwhile, Thailand proposes only one solution: 'maritime boundary delimitation between Thailand and Cambodia,’ which was also its longstanding position before the negotiations to enter into the 2001 MOU.  Phattharaphong Saengkrai of Thammasat University's Faculty of Law observes that given the proceedings take approximately 12 months, it would be impossible to achieve a single all-purpose maritime boundary to cover the 26,000 sq km. overlapping area as Cambodia proposes. In addition, he noted that Sihasak’s statement indicates that Thailand does not want to be seen as allowing an external party to influence its decision-making. Although the Commission’s recommendations are not legally binding, they carry political and diplomatic weight. At the very least, in Phattaraphong’s assessment, Thailand and Cambodia are likely to negotiate a new detailed MOU that sets out a framework for further negotiations, while the two sides might agree on boundary lines in certain disputed areas.  Koh Kut is also the most controversial part in the dispute. Cambodia’s claimed line forms a U shape curve around Thailand’s Koh Kut. But Under UNCLOS, an inhabited island is entitled to its own territorial sea, EEZ and continental shelf. Thailand, therefore, argues that Cambodia must redraw its line in a straight southwesterly direction away from the island. Thailand is likely to be in a strong legal position at this point. Whether their proposed options can be reconciled will depend on the extent to which both parties agree. It is to be noted that the Commission is not responsible for drawing the line for both parties, and there will be no winner or loser from the compulsory conciliation. eng editor 3 Mon, 2026-09-21 - 19:28 * Feature * Thai-Cambodian conflicts * Thai-Cambodia relations * Thai-Cambodian maritime disputes * Cambodia * Prak Sokhonn * Sihasak Phuangketkeow * UNCLOS (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 21/09/2026
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Bhumjaithai executives should be prosecuted, says election commissioner
Bhumjaithai executives should be prosecuted, says election commissioner Election Commissioner Sitthichot Intrawiset said in a press conference on 15 September that he believes the 20 Bhumjaithai Party executives implicated in the Senate selection fraud case should have been prosecuted. The Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) voted 5 to 2 not to refer the Bhumjaithai executives to the Supreme Court. Sitthichot, along with Election Commissioner Chai Nakornchai, were the two who voted in favour of prosecuting. Sitthichot said that he and Chai believe there is enough evidence that the Bhumjaithai executives were involved in collusion during the Senate selection. Evidence was found of vote rigging in several provinces, where candidates were gathered in hotels and given voting instructions. Sittichotnoted that candidates ranked in the first 7 places from each group were included in the instruction sheets found and are being prosecuted, showing that those involved in making the instruction sheets have committed fraud.  All evidence in each province points to one political party, Sitthichot said. Each suspect is either a member of or connected to this party. A witness who later retracted their testimony said that an order was given during a party meeting for local MPs or party members to take part in collusion. Sittichotsaid that he found the witness’testimony credible because action took place that corresponded with the testimony. Another witness, a secretary to one of the senators, said that a group of senators met at a hotel in Bangkok after the ECT certified the selection result. Members of the party were also in attendance. According to Sittichot, the witness said the meeting was to select the senate president and vice presidents, and that they saw high-ranking figures in the party walking out of the room. This corresponds with call records to some ministers after the selection. Sittichot said that the minority Election Commissioners believe these instances can be considered involvement in colluding to produce voting instructions in each province. Sitthichot said that Direk Pornseema, another witness, gave testimony that corresponded with that of Witness No. 16/26, previously revealed to be former Bhumjaithai MP Ekkarat Changlao, concerning the action of a minister. Sitthichot said he does not believe Ekkarat retracted his testimony because he was threatened into testifying because Ekkarat was an MP at the time and an influential figure. Another witness who retracted his testimony is a politician’s father-in-law, and Sitthichote does not think anyone would threaten such a figure.  Sitthichot said that, although no records were found of money transfers by well-known politicians, there are records of transfers by people connected to them. One witness claimed that they went to the party headquarters to receive money in cash, but no one else can corroborate the account.  He also said that he told the ECT Chair about transaction records of a senator from Prachuap Khiri Khan and that a businessman named Worapoj Tangphanphian transferred a large amount of money to Surat Thani. However, when he asked the joint investigation committee where the money came from, he was told that they cannot investigate because the ECT voted 4 to 3 to reject the evidence. Sitthichot still considers it an offence because the money has to come from somewhere, but due to this limitation, he could not find out more. It is now up to the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) to continue investigating, since the DSI is investigating the Senate collusion case as a money laundering case and may prosecute other individuals. Regarding Ekkarat’s claim, after retracting his testimony, that the voting instruction notes were not real, Sitthichot said that CCTV footage from the national level selection showed a candidate bringing out the notes. A witness who testified to the joint investigation committee also took a picture of the notes on their phones, which shows the dates the notes were made. It is therefore not possible for the notes to have been made after the testimony was given or that the investigation committee made them up to make accusations. He noted that writing down the numbers of candidates to vote for would be wrong if the candidates are told which numbers to write down, which is different from the candidates taking notes in the introduction documents to remind themselves of the numbers. The Supreme Court previously ruled that voting with instructions given by others means that the candidates are not voting independently and is considered fraudulent.  On 14 September, the ECT voted to prosecute 77 out of 229 individuals implicated in the Senate selection fraud case. 26 of those prosecuted are sitting senators. Bhumjaithai Party executives, including Prime Minister and party leader Anutin Charnvirakul, were not prosecuted. Of the 7 election commissioners, 4 were appointed after they were approved by the incumbent Senate: Narong Klunwarin, Narong Rakroi, AnanSuwannarat, and Chirute Visalachitra.  Among this group, 3 were also bureaucrats serving under Bhumjaithai Cabinet ministers or working closely with Bhumjaithai politicians. Anan was the Permanent Secretary for Agriculture between October 2018 - September 2020, when Mananya Thaiseth — sister of Bhumjaithai deputy leader Chada Thaiseth, one of the suspects in the Senate selection fraud case — was Deputy Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives. Narong Rakroi was Governor of Uthai Thani between 2018 - 2021, during which time he worked with Alongkot Worakee, now a senator and a suspect in the selection fraud. He served as Governor around the same time that Mananya was Mayor of Uthai Thani Municipality. Chirute was formerly the Director-General of the Department of Land Transport when Saksayam Chidchob was Minister of Transport. Election commissioner Titichet Nutchanart was appointed in December 2018 by the National Legislative Assembly formed in 2014 following the military coup led by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). Titichet has been accused of bribing a former Auditor General and a complaint was filed against him with the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC). All 5 voted against prosecuting Bhumjaithai executives. Meanwhile, Sittichot and Chai, who voted in favour of prosecution, were appointed following approval from the NCPO-appointed Senate, which was in office from 2019 to2024. eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-09-21 - 15:04 * News * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) * Sitthichot Intrawiset * senate * Senate election 2024 * Senate collusion * election fraud * Bhumjaithai Party (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 18/09/2026
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Cartoon by Stephff: UNCLOS Thailand-Cambodia talks
Cartoon by Stephff: UNCLOS Thailand-Cambodia talks Cartoon by Stephff: UNCLOS Thailand-Cambodia talks eng editor 1 Sat, 2026-09-19 - 00:17 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 14/09/2026
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ECT refers 77 Senate selection fraud suspects to Supreme Court; Bhumjaithai politicians excluded
ECT refers 77 Senate selection fraud suspects to Supreme Court; Bhumjaithai politicians excluded The Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) has decided to refer 77 individuals accused of involvement in the Senate selection collusion case, including only 26 sitting senators, to the Supreme Court. Notably, none of the accused politicians from the Bhumjathai Party were referred. Meanwhile, iLaw, which has been following the Senate selection process since 2024, will be releasing more information from the case file, including testimonies of other witnesses. The ECT met on Monday (14 September) to decide whether to refer the Senate selection fraud case to the Supreme Court. According to the ECT’s resolution, only 77 individuals were referred to the Supreme Court.  According to the investigation, the individuals, who were accused of electoral fraud, included 138 sitting senators, 50 candidates and individuals on the reserve list, 21 Bhumjaithai politicians, and 20 other individuals linked to Bhumjaithai politicians. During its press conference, the ECT representatives clarified that a total number of the accused was actually 427, not 229, with 67 complainants. 77 individuals, who were referred to the Supreme Court, included 26 sitting senators, 36 candidates, and 15 others.  The ECT revealed that there were a total of 7 charges in accordance with the 2018 Organic Act on the Acquisition of Senators that were brought against the accused. However, 2 charges against a politician in connection with electoral fraud were dropped.  The ECT resolved that neither reasonable grounds nor evidence indicated that Bhumjaithai Party’s MPs and members of the executive committee were involved in the collusion as accused, despite phone call records and witnesses. According to the ECT, some witnesses were not credible and questionable, and their testimony was inconsistent. The investigation in this case began last year, but the case reached a tipping point after  the opposition and the legal watchdog NGO iLaw, which has been following the Senate selection process and noticed abnormalities, began releasing evidence of vote rigging and collusion and alleging that high-ranking Bhumjaithai members, including Cabinet ministers, were involved. In the past few months, Civil society organizations have insisted that the ECT must refer the case to court so that the evidence can be heard instead of just by the ECT, whose neutrality is questioned. iLaw has also said several times that it will release the information it has on those individuals if the ECT decides not to indict any one of the 229 accused. The ECT’s legitimacy has been under scrutiny due to the connection between commissioners and the ruling party, it should not be making a decision and should simply send the case to court. Election commissioners are appointed on the Senate’s approval and 4 out of the 7 sitting commissioners were approved by the incumbent Senate. 3 out of the 7 sitting commissioners were once bureaucrats under a Bhumjaithai minister. Some members of the nomination committee for election commissioners are also connected to Bhumjaithai-aligned politicians and senators. Following the ECT’s press conference, the People's Party leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut revealed that the ECT’s decision not to take legal action against even a single Bhumjathai politician, despite solid evidence, was considered unlawful and against its own standards.  The resolution not only allows the majority of those accused in the Senate collusion to escape prosecution but also perpetuates the problems surrounding the independent institutions under the 2017 Constitution, which has been truly unable to operate independently.  He said that the party will take and support legal action against the ECT for wrongful exercise of power and ensure that the evidence concerning the suspects, who have not been indicted, is brought before the Court. The party will also scrutinize the accused politicians through parliamentary mechanisms, such as censure debates, as well as a public campaign.  Natthaphong reiterated that pushing for the constitutional amendment is the way to limit the Senate’s illegitimacy and to allow the public to scrutinize and remove those who hold a position in independent bodies under the Constitution. Response from iLaw iLaw held a press conference following the ECT’s announcement. Director Yingcheep Atchanont said that iLaw has been following the Senate selection process since 2024, even before the ECT announced how the selection would be conducted. It has campaigned for people to participate in the selection and has observed the selection process at every level. After the national level selection, Yingcheep said, iLaw noticed that something abnormal happened during the selection. He noted how over a thousand candidates were seen wearing the same outfits on voting day. Notes were found with numbers of candidates who would later be selected as senators, winning such a high vote count that not even the ECT thought possible. Yingcheep said that, given the information, it can be concluded that there is a large conspiracy to ensure a chosen group of candidates were selected. He noted that at least 120 senators are part of this plot, and that they tend to vote in the same direction so often that it would not be possible to say they are independent.  It was not easy to find evidence that such a conspiracy took place, he said, but the only people with a motif are large political parties with a network in several provinces. The evidence found pointed to the Bhumjaithai Party. Its MPs, former MPs, MP assistants, and politicians’ family members were accused of recruiting candidates and paying them, as well as gathering them in hotels and instructing them on how to vote. Yingcheep said that the ECT’s decision not to prosecute political party executives is not surprising, given that even ECT chair Narong Klanwarin was appointed following approval from the incumbent Senate and given that the Senate’s affiliation and connections are well-known. He speculated that it is likely that the 77 people whose case is referred to court are minor players in the game who made a mistake, such as by transferring money from their own accounts or from those of their spouses. As for the others, not being prosecuted does not mean they did nothing wrong, just that they did not slip up and leave behind a trail. Yingcheep stressed that 26 senators being prosecuted meant that fraud was committed during the selection. He noted that information the ECT presented during its press conference is related to senator Surachart Wichaya Suwannaphrom from Nong Bua Lumphu, since it is the same pieces of information previously disclosed by People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu about financial transaction Surachart made.  Yingcheep noted that Surachart came 5th from 154 candidates and that he won the highest number of votes during inter-group voting. This means that a large number of candidates were involved beyond candidates from Nong Bua Lumphu who received money. He questioned how other candidates included in the same voting instruction note as Surachart can be uninvolved or unaware. Nevertheless, prosecuting some individuals means the ECT accepted that the Senate selection process was fraudulent. Boonyanooch Mattoojak, an iLaw representative, said that the ECT had acted as if it were the court. It is required by law to refer a case to court if there is reasonable evidence of fraud, but the ECT chair said during the press conference that some witnesses were not credible or that other evidence were not found. She said that the ECT should have searched for additional evidence instead of judging a witness’ credibility and refusing to find other evidence. Making a verdict should be up to the Supreme Court, which is a more neutral organization than the ECT, whose commissioners were approved by the Senate. Boonyanooch said that refusing to refer every suspect to court means the Supreme Court will not be able to find additional evidence and the public will never see whether those let off by the ECT were guilty. Kanlayakorn Sunthornpruk, another iLaw representative, noted that Ekkarat Changlao, a witness mentioned by the ECT as not being credible, is a former Bhumjaithai MP involved with recruiting candidates. Other witnesses said they met Ekkarat during the Senate selection and that they were candidates in Ekkarat’s network. Phone call records between Ekkarat and Newin Chidchob were also found. Kanlayakorn said iLaw will be releasing Ekkarat’s testimony to the public. Yingcheep added that iLaw considered Ekkarat a first tier witness because he was still a Bhumjaithai MP in 2024 and testified during the investigation that Bhumjaithai executives and several Cabinet ministers were involved with the Senate selection fraud, but the ECT chair said he dismissed Ekkarat’s testimony because Ekkarat has a prior conflict with the party executives. Yingcheep said iLaw will be releasing more information from the case file, including testimonies of other witnesses. Phatcha Chaimongkolsub, also an iLaw representative, said that it is necessary to rewrite the Constitution because it has become clear that the ECT, who came into office with approval of the Senate, uses its power to protect the Bhumjaithai-aligned senators. Bhumjaithai has also proposed a constitutional amendment bill that gives the Senate the power to select members of the drafting assembly and approve a new constitution. The only way out, she said, is to object to the drafting process proposed by Bhumjaithai and back a bill being proposed by the civil society calling for a Constitutional Drafting Assembly election. The civil society is now in the process of collecting signatures for the bill. Eligible voters can back the bill at conforall.com. eng editor 3 Mon, 2026-09-14 - 23:05 * News * Senate election 2024 * Senate collusion * Bhumjaithai Party * elector * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 14/09/2026
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Protests demand ECT prosecute 229 senate selection fraud suspects
Protests demand ECT prosecute 229 senate selection fraud suspects Protests took place in several provinces over the weekend to demand that the Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) prosecute 229 individuals accused of fraud during the 2024 Senate selection ahead of the ECT’s ruling on the case. On Friday (11 September), in Khon Kaen, a group of activists gathered at the Ratchadanuson Park in Khon Kaen city where they play a game of bingo and gave speeches before marching to the ECT office in Khon Kaen. Activist Nattaporn Artharn gave a speech saying that the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) has gathered evidence on the 229 suspects and all the ECT has to do is to refer the case to court. The group is calling on the ECT not to stall the case. Activists submitting their petition at the ECT’s Phitsanulok office. On Saturday (12 September), the Northern People Democracy Network (NPD) staged a protest in which they walked 229 steps to the provincial ECT office in Phitsanulok to file a petition demanding the prosecution of the 229 suspects. Oat, one of the members, said that the group also filed a petition with the ECT office in Phetchabun on Friday (11 September). The group wants every suspect to go to trial and prove their innocence in court. They found the ECT questionable and are concerned that the ECT might not refer every suspect to court. Sunday’s protesters marching through Ha Yaek Lat Phrao intersection.  On Sunday (13 September), iLaw staged a protest march from its office in Bangkok‘s Lat Phrao district to the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre (BACC) to demand the ECT prosecute all 229 suspects. Speaking to the media ahead of the march, iLaw director Yingcheep Atchanont questioned the independence of the ECT, noting that 4 out of 7 election commissioners were appointed by the incumbent Senate. He reiterated that the civil society is demanding that the ECT refer the case to the Supreme Court so the case can be heard by a neutral organization.  Yingcheep said that iLaw has the case file, and if the ECT refuses to prosecute any of the 229 individuals, information about that individual will be released to the public. He stressed that they would prefer not to do it, but it would be necessary if the ECT leaves anyone out. Protesters marching past the Victory Monument. While stopping in front of the Century shopping mall near the Victory Monument, police officers negotiated with the organizers for a route change to avoid having a protest march pass by Sa Pathum Palace. Protesters instead marched to the Phayathai BTS Station, where they dispersed and met up again at the Siam BTS station. They then marched through the Siam shopping district to the BACC, where an event was taking place. Opposition politicians like People‘s Party leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, deputy leader Sirikanya Tansakun, and a number of MPs including Parit Wacharasindhu and Chayaphon Satondee joined the march. Former election commissioner Somchai Srisutthiyakorn, former senator Ruengkrai Leekitwattana and sitting senator Wuttipong Pongsuwan also joined the march. Participants in DRG’s activity running past a bus stop on Phayathai Road. (Photo: Kotcharak Kaewsurach) At around 14.29, the Democracy Restoration Group (DRG) staged an event where they ran from the Chamchuri Square shopping mall to the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre (BACC), where a mass protest was taking place to demand that the Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) prosecute the 229 individuals suspected of Senate selection fraud.  At the BACC, they perform a symbolic act of protest by dropping clothes into a basket before joining the rest of the protesters. The march from iLaw arrived at the BACC at around 15.00, where they joined the gatherings. The event featured performances, speeches, and activities from other civil society groups.  At the end of the protest, participants stood holding pictures of the suspects in the shape of the number “229”. The other side of the card they were holding says “Prosecute the senators.” Of the 229 individuals being accused of collusion and fraud, 138 are sitting senators. 50 are former senator candidates and individuals on the reserve list. 21 are Bhumjaithai Party executives and MPs, including Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and several of his Cabinet ministers. 20 others are family members of candidates and Bhumjaithai MPs, MP assistants, and local politicians connected to the Bhumjaithai Party. An iLaw representative presenting a board showing connection between senator candidates and politicians implicated in the Senate Selection fraud case. (Photo: Kotcharak Kaewsurach) During the event, iLaw representatives gave a presentation on the case, including details of financial transactions made between senator candidates in exchange for votes and about meetings held at several hotels ahead of the national-level selection where candidates are given instructions on how to vote, as well as records of phone calls between candidates and Bhumjaithai politicians. They cited the joint investigation committee formed by the ECT and the Department of Special Investigation (DSI), which proposed that all 229 individuals be prosecuted, including Bhumjaithai Party members because they were participating in a plot to win seats in the Senate and were recruiting candidates and giving them notes for voting. Yingcheep said in his speech during the event that, if the ECT does not prosecute the suspects, these senators will stay in office and there will not be anything anyone could do. They will then be appointing election commissioners, Constitutional Court judges, as well as board members in other independent bodies that should be holding the government accountable. Yingcheep said that the only way of fixing the system is to amend the junta-backed 2017 Constitution. The problem is that constitutional amendments require approval from at least a third of the Senate. He noted, however, that there is hope in that 21 million people voted in favour of a new Constitution in the 8 February referendum. If the ECT does not prosecute the senators, the so-called “Blue seantors”, or those aligned with the Bhumjaithai Party, would be in control of the constitutional amendment process. A new constitution that comes out of this process will not be better, he said, and the people will have no choice but to vote against it. If the ECT refers the case to court, the majority of senators would be suspended. He said that this could be a way towards a new constitution where everyone is heard.  Protesters in front of the BACC holding cards saying “Prosecute the senators” in the shape of the number “229.” (Photo: Kotcharak Kaewsurach) Meanwhile, in Chiang Mai, people are camping out in front of the ECT‘s provincial office ahead of tomorrow’s meeting where the ECT will rule whether to refer the Senate selection fraud case to court. The gathering began at 16.00 and featured a free mic session, music from North Gate Jazz, and other activities. Nutchapakorn Nammuang from the Constitution Advocacy Alliance (CALL) said during the event that Monday (14 September) will be another watershed moment in Thai politics, and the people are gathering to tell the powers that be that the elites are doing something that is not right. If the Senate lacks legitimacy, it would affect other positions appointed by the Senate, including the ECT and the Constitutional Court.   Protesters in Chiang Mai camping out in front of the provincial ECT office. The Senate and the ECT have been put in the spotlight over the past few months as the opposition People‘s Party and the legal watchdog NGO iLaw release evidence of vote buying, vote rigging, and collusion during the 2024 Senate selection. Citing leaked official documents and witness testimony, they alleged that a number of senator candidates and high-ranking Bhumjaithai Party executives are involved in a plot to ensure that candidates aligned with the party are selected. The ECT will meet on Monday (14 September) to rule whether to prosecute the suspects and refer the case to court. Meanwhile, the civil society has been pressuring the ECT to prosecute all 229 suspects, saying that the ECT is required by law to refer a case of suspected election fraud to the Supreme Court if there is reasonable evidence and that, since appointment of election commissioners are approved by the Senate, the ECT should not make a decision regarding the case and should simply refer it to court so the evidence can be heard during trial. eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-09-14 - 14:34 * News * Senate election 2024 * Senate collusion * election fraud * election fraud * iLaw * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 12/09/2026
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ECT at the crossroad in Senate selection fraud saga
ECT at the crossroad in Senate selection fraud saga Amidst mounting pressure from the opposition and the civil society, the Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) is convening this coming Monday (14 September) to rule whether to prosecute the 229 individuals accused of fraud during the 2024 Senate selection. A controversial selection The incumbent senators came into office in July 2024 following a complex self-selection process marked from the beginning by controversies. The system was the brainchild of the Constitution Drafting Committee, led by Meechai Ruchupan, supposedly designed to eliminate political influence over the Senate and increase the diversity of senators. Candidates register by social and professional groups and senators qualify through both intra- and inter-group elections through a multi-level voting system at the district, provincial, and national levels.  The civil society have observed at the time of the selection that, instead of increasing public participation and diversity in the upper house, the process made it more difficult to participate as only candidates are allowed to vote and the general public was not allowed to closely observe the process. Meanwhile, 120 - 130 senators have been noted as voting in bloc on several motions. They came to be called the “Blue Senators” because of their alleged affiliation with the Bhumjaithai Party. Allegations of collusion, vote rigging, and fraud soon arose. In March 2025, the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) launched an investigation into alleged collusion during the Senate selection with monetary offers being made to candidates. According to the DSI’s initial investigation, the acts constituted offences under Section 77 of the Organic Act on the Installation of Senators, under criminal laws regarding secret societies, and under the Money Laundering Act. The DSI eventually voted. 11:4 to take the case as a money laundering investigation. Tawee Sodsong, then the Minister of Justice, said that the DSI had around 7,000 witnesses, 3,000 of whom were present during the national level selection. In June 2025, Bhumjaithai left the government coalition led by the Pheu Thai Party, reportedly over the leaked phone call between then-Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. When Paetongtarn was dismissed by the Constitutional Court in late August 2025, parliament elected Bhumjaithai Party leader Anutin Charnvirakul to replace her. In December 2025,  the DSI decided to indict 8 individuals, among whom were 2 senators, of money laundering. On 17 July 2025, the 26th investigation committee, a joint committee formed by the ECT and the DSI, recommended the prosecution of all 229 individuals. On 15 September 2025, soon after Anutin became Prime Minister, a set of documents was issued by Kanchit Charoen-in, Deputy Secretary-General of the ECT acting on behalf of ECT Secretary-General Sawaeng Boonmee. Kanchit proposed prosecuting 136 senators, 1 Cabinet minister, and 2 MPs. However, he proposed that the charges against Anutin and a number of Bhumjaithai Party executives be dismissed because he believes witness testimonies are insufficient. It was reported on 12 March 2026 that the ECT’s 36th Subcommittee, formed in September 2025 to rule whether to act on the proposal of the 26th investigation committee and refer the case to court. It eventually voted 5 to 2 to dismiss the case entirely. According to People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu, an ECT representative told the House Standing Committee on independent bodies that the 35th subcommittee’s workload was too much for it to take a case that needs to be carefully considered. The House Committee and Parit himself have both asked the ECT to provide information on what the 36th subcommittee have done in regards to the investigation, but the information was never delivered. The House Committee met on 18 June 2026 to discuss the Senate selection fraud case, but the ECT representatives taking part in the meeting did not explain the role of the 36th Subcommittee. Questions were therefore raised about the 36th Subcommittee’s function and whether it was an attempt to steer the case in favour of the accused. Former election commissioner Somchai Srisutthiyakorn alleged that investigators from the 26th investigation committee were never summoned to speak to the 36th Subcommittee, and the Subcommittee never considered the over 10,000 pages of primary evidence. He claimed that its meetings mostly consisted of listening to its secretaries summarising the 26th committee’s case file. He also questioned its interpretation of the law, raising concerns that too narrow an interpretation might mean the Subcommittee does not see the political connection. People’s Party MP Chayapon Satondee has also alleged that members of the 36th Subcommittee participated in the ECT’s Advanced Certificate Course in Politics and Election Development and the Constitutional Court’s Rule of Law for Democracy programme along with several people accused of Senate selection fraud. Participating in these programme does not mean they committed an offense, Chayapon said, but it is questionable whether connection between these individuals affect the neutrality of the Subcommittee. Who are the accused? An infographic showing the number of Bhumjaithai MPs in each province and the number of senators. (Photo from WeVis) The 229 individuals included 138 sitting senators, 50 candidates and individuals on the reserve list, 21 Bhumjaithai politicians, and 20 other individuals linked to Bhumjaithai politicians, including family members, former MP candidates, MP assistants, and local politicians. The list was released to the public in late July, when iLaw submitted information to the opposition requesting an investigation into 9 politicians allegedly involved with collusion during the Senate selection, including Anutin and 5 other sitting Cabinet ministers. Among the 138 senators accused, 14 are from Buriram, Bhumjaithai’s main stronghold, where local MPs are also accused. Also on the list are Newin Chidchob, the patriarch of the province’s main political dynasty, and his son Chaichanok, the current Minister of Digital Economy and Society. Other politicians are included on the list who are members of Bhumjaithai-affiliated political dynasties, like Prime Minister’s Office Minister Paradorn Prisnanantakul and his brother Koravee who is an MP for Ang Thong, and deputy Interior Minister Jeseth Thaiseth, son of Uthai Thani politician Chada Thaiseth. There are also Bhumjaithai MPs from Si Saket, Ayutthaya, Phichit, Satun, Leoi, Buriram, Krabi, Surat Thani, Ubon Ratchathani, Sukothai, and Amnat Charoen. Parit said during an event organised by the opposition that, according to several witnesses, there is an attempt to take over the Senate and that individuals involved in the collusion targeted smaller provinces because it would require less people to ensure that a candidate aligned with said group get to the national level.  ECT in the hot seat  Individuals wearing yellow shirts at the national level selection. (Photo from ConForAll) The Senate and the ECT has been put in the spotlight over  the past few months as the opposition and the legal watchdog NGO iLaw and the opposition began releasing evidence of vote rigging and collusion and alleging that high-ranking Bhumjaithai members, including Cabinet ministers, were involved.  iLaw said that observers began noticing abnormalities on the day of the national-level selection. A large number of candidates were seen wearing the same yellow shirt and black jacket and carrying the same document folder. Observers noticed that they tend to move around in groups. When leaving the Impact Forum, one group left together and was picked up by vans parked behind IMPACT Challenger Hall, where there were no people around. One of the vehicles had a Buriram license plate. Some candidates were winning an unusually high number of votes while others got none. It has also been noted that provinces that are known Bhumjaithai strongholds have several senators in each province, such as in Buriram, where 14 candidates were selected, or Ang Thong, where 6 were selected. iLaw director Yingcheep Atchanont told the101world that, according to the DSI’s meeting minute, the candidates wore yellow shirts to blend in with ECT officials at the selection so they would be able to walk around or go to the toilet without being followed as people might think they work for the ECT. Nantawat Saksakulkunakorn from the ConForAll Network said during the same interview that, according to candidates, the yellow-clad candidates tend to gather in the toilet. Afterwards, a crumpled piece of paper was found on the floor containing number of candidates. Video clips were released by People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu and former election inspector Pol Col Manas Nakornsri showing officials walking around and asking candidates to hand over their notes, telling the candidates to vote honestly. One of the officials was identified as election commissioner Thitichet Nutchanart, while one of the candidates was now-Senate President MongkoL Surasajja. In one video clip, ECT officials were seen putting confiscated notes into their pockets. The ECT issued a press release saying that it was not illegal to bring documents or notes into the selection venue as there is no law explicitly prohibiting candidates from doing so. However, the ECT issued a resolution on 26 June 2024 prohibiting candidates from bringing documents into the inter-group voting round. It may not be illegal, but the ECT is free to issue regulations for order during the selection, so such notes must be confiscated when found. Citing leaked official documents and witness testimonies, iLaw have released information from the investigation to the public, including concerning vote buying in several provinces. Former candidates have come forward saying they were offered money in exchange for voting for specific individuals.  In Surat Thani, for example, iLaw alleged that Subin Sakda, who claimed to be an assistant to local Bhumjaitai MP Pichai Chomphupol, transferred money to around 10 candidates during the provincial level selection. Among them is a former candidate named Nattapong Saroj, who later testified to the DSI. During an event iLaw organised on 23 August, Nattapong said he received a phone call from a local MP assistant offering him 3,000 baht and asking him to “help the boss,” which he believes refer to the MP. He also received an offer of an additional 2,000 baht at the provincial level. And in Nong Bua Lamphu, witnesses said that Sorachart Wichaya Suwannaphrom, who later became senator, transferred money to Pannipa Pasuk, who then transferred a total of around 105,000 baht to at least 7 candidates. Some were invited to the Tara Grand Hotel in Pathum Thani, where they met Sorachart and Pannipa and was offered 500,000 baht each. Pannipa also transferred money for their travel and gave them a yellow shirt. According to an opinion issued by Kanchit Charoen-in, Deputy Secretary-General of the ECT, which iLaw released, Kanchit believes that the ECT should prosecute Sorachart, noting that Sorachart transferred money to Pannipa several times and Pannipa transferred money to candidates. Given this, and the fact that they have a child together, Kanchit said there is enough reason to believe Sorachart and Pannipa were either accomplices or know what the other was doing. Both iLaw and the opposition have also made allegations about a vote rigging scheme where candidates were taken to hotel conference rooms and instructed to vote for a certain group. Witnesses say they had their phones confiscated while in these meetings and were told to to make a table in the last page of their introduction document and write down numbers of candidates to use during the selection. Documents found during the investigation contain the number of 140 candidates. Several witnesses said they were given money and gifts, as well as had their travel and hotel stay paid for. Ballots from the national level selection voting for the same candidates in the same order. (Photo from Phanida Mongkolsawat) It was also found that a large number of ballots contain the number on the document in the same order. According to People’s Party MP Phanida Mongkolsawat, the same pattern occurred in several groups, where 10 candidates were getting a notably high number of votes. During the afternoon round where candidates vote across groups, 6 out of the 10 candidates from the morning round emerge with a high vote count. Direk Pornseema, a former candidate from Maha Sarakham, said he attempted to raise the issue to ECT officials during the national-level selection. He said he noticed that the bellots being counted look identical, so he asked the officials if they were counting old ballots. He also said there were around 20 candidates in his group that did not get any vote. iLaw also release information from the DSI’s case file, including call logs showing phone calls from several candidates from Ang Thong to Paradorn and Koravee Prisnanantakul on the night of the national-level selection, when vote counting was still in progress. The location of both the callers and Koravee is shown to be Muang Thong Thani, where the selection took place. By law, senator candidates are prohibited from using communication devices throughout the selection process. Phanida said that now-senator Alongkot Worakee, former deputy governor. of Buriram, called Deputy Interior Minister Jeseth Thaiseth 31 time and called Bhumjaithai MP and Jeseth’s father Chada 3 times. Although making these calls is not wrong, Phanida said that it shows the relationship between politicians and individuals who became senators. Phone signals for at least 40 senators were found at the Pullman Hotel on 21 July 2024. Parit said that all 40 senators are being accused of fraud. On Thursday (10 September), iLaw published information from the 26th investigation committee’s case, which recommended the prosection of Bhumjaithai Party executives. According to the case file, Bhumjaithai MPs were instructed to recruit senator candidates, who were offered money in exchange for joining the scheme. At the national level, one candidate is tasked with covering the costs of travel, food, and hotel stay for other candidates in their network. Witnesses say the party aimed to win around 120 seats in the Senate. After the national-level selection, senators-to-be were asked to meet at the Kingpower Hotel in Bangkok, where they met Newin and given instructions. Newin also chose one senator among the “Blue-aligned” group to become Senate president. The 26th investigation committee ruled that, given the evidence and witness testimony, Bhumjaithai Party executives and their network were colluding in a nationwide scheme to win seats in the Senate and use their positions to ensure the plan succeed. By taking part in the scheme, candidates were not voting independently, while their action also mean the selection was not held in secret. This is unconstitutional and an offense under the Organic Act on the Acquisition of Senators. iLaw have also reported that, in many provinces, candidates were not running the groups that fit their profession. In Ang Thong, the stronghold of the Bhumjaithai-aligned Prisnanantakul family, none of the group 12 candidates in Pa Mok district were industrial operators. Most wrote on their introduction document that they “work for hire,” while one said they were a deputy village chief. Meanwhile, in group 17, candidates in every district wrote that they were village health volunteers. The group is supposed to be for NGOs, civil society groups, and public interest organizations, but village health volunteers are paid by the state.  It is also not a profession and several candidates wrote that they have other jobs, from agriculture to “work for hire.” iLaw also noticed that the group 17 candidates write very similar introduction or wear similar clothes in their photos. In Wiset Chai Chan district, they wrote that they were part of medical mobile units. In Samko district, all candidates wore a polo shirt with a village health volunteer logo on the left pocket in their photos. In Muang district, they all wear white collared shirts and a jacket. Similar phenomenon have been noted in other provinces. In Buriram, group 16 candidates (arts, culture, and sports) wrote that they participated in cultural events, while several group 17 candidates wore the same shirt and tie in their photos and wrote that they were village health volunteers. Chanchai Chaiyapit, a senator from Buriram, ran as a candidate in group 17. iLaw noted that he is an educator, a school principal, and President of the Association of Provincial Kindergarten Executive and Teachers. However, said association was registered in Buriram on 15 August 2023. Another association with the same name was registered in Bangkok in June 2011, but Chanchai’s introduction document said he was president between 2021-2023, or around 3 years, when the law requires 10 years of experience in a profession to run for the Senate. Meanwhile, in Amnat Charoen, 2 senators from group 10 (large enterprises) did not appear to own businesses that would qualify for the group. Senator Daeng Kongma said she sells pork. According to iLaw, Daeng has a stall at a local market, but does not appear to have enough employees or make enough profit to be a large enterprise.  Senator Sompan Palasak wrote in his introduction document that he sells chicken noodle soup, but later said in an interview that he actually sells fish ball noodle. iLaw attempted to check his claim but could not find the shop on Google Map. They found a picture online of Sompan working in a restaurant called “Krua Ton Kradon,” while his Facebook profile states that he works for “Nai Pan Noodles.” A witness visited a chicken noodle shop in Amnat Charoen and was told by an employee that Sompan used to work there but was not the owner. Nonetheless, each shop mentioned has been opened for less than 10 years and does not appear to employ enough people or make enough profit to be a large enterprise.  What’s next? Protesters at the ECT on 30 August holding pictures of the 229 individuals accused of fraud in the Senate selection. A banner hanging from the balcony says “Prosecute the senators.” Demands continued to be made for the ECT to prosecute all 229 individuals and refer the case to the Supreme Court so that evidence can be heard in court. Although the ECT previously said it would rule on the case by the end of August, it said on 28 August that it will rule whether to refer the case to court on 14 September. Civil society organizations have said that the ECT must refer the case to court so that the evidence can heard during a trial. And because the ECT’s legitimacy has been under scrutiny due to the connection between commissioners and the Bhumjaithai Party, it should not be making a decision and should simply send the case to court. Election commissioners are appointed on the Senate’s approval and 4 out of the 7 sitting commissioners were approved by the incumbent Senate. Not only that, as noted by the Constitutional Advocacy Alliance (CALL), 3 out of the 7 sitting commissioners were once bureaucrats under a Bhumjaithai minister. Some members of the nomination committee for election commissioners are also connected to Bhumjaithai-aligned politicians and senators. Under the 2018 Organic Act on the Acquisition of Senators, the ECT must refer a case to court if there is reasonable evidence of fraud. Once the Supreme Court accepts the complaint, senators implicated in the case will automatically be suspended. The ECT previously refer to the Supreme Court a case against a number of senator candidates over messages agreeing to vote for each other. The Supreme Court subsequently found them guilty and ban them from running in elections for 10 years, ruling that even trading votes is fraudulent as it means candidates are not voting freely or because of another candidate’s professional experience. The ECT has also referred to court the case of 7 candidates from Roi Et accused of vote buying. Concerns have also been raised that, if the ECT dismisses the case, it could also affect the DSI’s ongoing investigation. Phanida said that the DSI might close the case if the ECT does not prosecute the accused, but even if it does, DSI investigators will not be testifying in court as they were transferred to another unit. Several abnormalities have been noted over the past weeks as the People’s Party and iLaw ramp up the pressure by releasing evidence and bringing witnesses to speak at events. Rumours have been circulating that Pol Capt Piya Raksakun, director-general of the Department of Probation, will soon be appointed director of the DSI. Concerns were raised as Pol Capt Piya sat on the ECT’s 36th subcommittee and was among those who voted to dismiss the Senate election fraud case and the DSI is separately investigating alleged criminal association and money laundering associated with the Senate selection. Meanwhile, the House of Representatives’ Standing Committee on Police Affairs summoned Parit and Yingcheep to give a statement on the leaked documents after the DSI filed a complaint with the Crime Suppression Division over the leak on 25 August. The Chair of the committee insisted that he was doing his job and that he was not trying to obstruct the opposition. On 3 September, when parliament was supposed to discuss the ECT’s annual report, Bhumjaithai MPs proposed moving up an urgent motion on the Deep South. The House Speaker adjourned the meeting following arguments between MPs. Parliament has also dropped its Friday session (11 September) after delays and interruptions caused the debate on the budget bill to run past the original schedule of 7-9 September. The opposition has accused the ruling Bhumjaithai Party of protecting the ECT and trying to delay debate on its function until after 14 September. With the case now in its final stretch, the civil society are staging protests in several provinces to demand prosecution. iLaw have said several times that, if the ECT decide not to indict any one of the 229 accused, it will release the information it has on that individuals. A final gathering has also been called this Sunday (13 September) at the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre. eng editor 1 Sat, 2026-09-12 - 10:18 * Feature * Senate election 2024 * Senate collusion * election fraud * Bhumjaithai Party * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) * senate (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 11/09/2026
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Cartoon by Stephff: Sondhi is back
Cartoon by Stephff: Sondhi is back  Cartoon by Stephff: Sondhi is back eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-09-11 - 16:42 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 07/09/2026
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Thai student movement forms ‘Hope Theatre,’ making the stage its new battleground
Thai student movement forms ‘Hope Theatre,’ making the stage its new battleground This past year, Thailand’s ‘Bad Student Organisation’ developed a new mechanism to question seemingly unbreakable cultural and educational taboos: theatre. In 2025, the organisation formed Hope Theatre in order to create a dialogue around long-held Thai cultural norms and practices, particularly those involving education and students’ rights. Such practices include corporal punishment, never questioning teachers, wearing school uniforms and compliance with haircut regulations. In September 2025, Hope Theatre delivered its first performance, a musical called Ribbon Club, which centred around four students who seek to uncover the truth behind a classmate’s mysterious death at an academy for magic similar to Harry Potter’s Hogwarts. At the behest of the character Jinny, a top ่student at the school, students gather to discuss the institution, its rigid rules, how teachers employ violence against them, and the identities they are forced to adopt. (Photo from Hope Theatre) As explained by Thamjuthi Thiangtham, 18, who recently completed his freshman year at Chulalongkorn University and works as an editor for Bad Student Organisation, “we started with the question of violence in the context of Thai schools … authoritarianism and violence directed against the lives and freedoms of students.”  He was referring to Thailand’s long-standing use of corporal punishment in schools. It was officially banned in March 2025 but the law has not been strictly enforced. Thamjuthi said that over the past year, his organisation received over 200 reports of student rights violations, including corporal punishment, mental abuse, and discrimination against LGBTQ+ students.  Thai teachers still frequently make headlines by imposing physical punishments on students. In June 2025, three months after the ban was implemented, a Bangkok teacher made a student do 200 squats as punishment for late homework. In February 2026, another student was hospitalised after his teacher ordered him to perform 800 squats for failing to submit an assignment. Raising the issue on stage allowed student actors to address the violence directed again their peers.  It also let them magically defend themselves from violent teachers. Another topic raised in Ribbon Club the Musical is the suppression of classroom questions and debate. In the play, the characters have a special room where they can go for open conversations, similar to the room Harry Potter and his friends secretly gathered in to train against dark magic after a corrupt teacher refused to teach them. It provides a safe space for the students to break free from strict school rules.  Inside, they can talk about anything, questioning, challenging, and debating with friends.” According to Thamjuthi, it frees them “to openly question the school power structure.” The room is a plot device which serves to challenge cultural notions of what makes a “good student.” In Thai society, Thamjuthi said, “ideal” students don’t just have academic ability; they obey their teachers and don’t ask questions. “Conversely, a student who is brave enough to ask questions and disagree is considered arrogant … and labeled bad.”  In the play, when students deemed ‘good’ and ‘bad’ by teachers meet each other and talk in the secret room, they discover there are no differences between them, however. In the world of Ribbon Club, it is magic which serves as an indicator of who is a good student. Anything unrelated is deemed useless. Students are expected to use magic every day or - according to an ancient belief - some sort of major disaster will happen.  The idea of using magic as a symbol, Thamjuthi said, was meant to help non-Thai audience members who might be less familiar with the context of the Thai education system understand the themes of the play. The audience included members of the Swedish Embassy, as well as some Chinese and American nationals.  According to Thamjuthi, around 80 percent of the audience were young people who already agreed with Hope Theatre’s message and protests. The rest were elderly people, who agreed with the play’s message but didn’t necessarily agree with direct protest. Younger audience members thanked the theatre group for making them more optimistic and hopeful about change in Thai schools.  As for the elderly, although the play “wasn’t polite enough for them,” Hope Theatre’s advocacy drew praise from some, including a very conservative high school principal.  Thamjuthi found it impressive that “art has this power to bring people, even those who might not stand on our side, to have more faith in us.” (Photo from Hope Theatre) Hope Theatre’s next performance will likely be staged in late 2026 or early 2027. It doesn’t have a script yet but Thamjuthi said it will explore the intense competition to be admitted to Thailand’s top schools. An idea in the works is for the plot to feature a reality or game show in which students must fiercely compete to demonstrate their ability. According to Thamjuthi, “contestants can do anything, no matter if it’s right or wrong, to compete for the prize. “ From the height of Thailand’s youth protests in 2020-22, the student movement has quieted down. In 2020, Bad Student led numerous protests for students’ rights and protections from strict uniform policies, haircut rules, and abusive teachers. Their protests often included costumes and creative expression, such as songs from the Japanese cartoon “Hamtaro.” These protests came amidst a larger protest movement demanding reforms of Thailand’s Article 112, which prohibits criticism of the country’s monarchy. Thamjuthi noted that Bad Student doesn’t engage in political issues at the national level, such as parties, the constitution or the justice system. However, regarding the larger protest movement, he remarked that as a result of the government’s ensuing crackdown, “most of our protest leaders had to go overseas … with negative consequences for the movement,” Thamjuthi said.  Thamjuthi remains hopeful for change, despite the election results earlier this year. He notes that ‘Bad Student’ has become a household name locally and no longer carries a negative connotation.  “If you’re a bad student in your school, maybe it’s because you’re rebellious. Maybe it’s because you’re brave enough to question your teacher or challenge their power,“ he said. Hope Theatre’s primary challenge, Thamjuthi said, is funding. Last year, the initiative was lucky enough to receive funding from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA).  Now, however, it must find a new source of funding. It is not easy.  “To work with students in this society, to work with youth to promote democracy… few funders or businesses are confident enough.” Hope Theatre is a continuation of the student movement’s focus on art and culture. In the beginning, the organisation used dinosaurs to portray conservatives, promoting the slogan “goodbye dinosaurs.”  Bad Student has also provided students with cartoon guidebooks to help students understand their rights. Another of their past artistic endeavours involved translating songs from Matilda the Musical into Thai in order to explain learners’ rights.  eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-09-07 - 14:53 * Interview * Hope Theatre * Bad Student * Student rights (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 05/09/2026
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Detention of Chinese dissidents draw continued pressure, attention to treatment of refugees
Detention of Chinese dissidents draw continued pressure, attention to treatment of refugees Human rights organizations have urged Thailand to immediately halt the possible deportation of Chinese dissidents currently detained in Bangkok, warning that returning them to China would violate the international principle of non-refoulement and expose them to a serious risk of persecution, arbitrary detention, torture, and enforced disappearance. The case has drawn renewed international attention to Thailand's treatment of refugees and political asylum seekers at a time when the country's diplomatic and economic relations with China continue to deepen. Rights advocates argue that the detention of the four dissidents illustrates a broader trend in which geopolitical considerations increasingly outweigh humanitarian obligations, raising concerns that Thailand is becoming an increasingly unsafe transit country for individuals fleeing political persecution in China.  A number of Chinese dissidents were detained at the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Center in Bangkok between July and August. At least four were known: former investigative journalist Bai Zhaodong, activist Zhou Junyi, Hong Kong pro-democracy activist Zhang Xinyan, and human rights advocate Tan Yixiang. All four are recognised as refugees by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). On 13 July 2026, Human Rights Watch publicly urged Thai authorities not to deport the detainees, stating that the Chinese government had intensified pressure on Bangkok ahead of Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul's official visit to China from 16–20 July. HRW warned that any forced return would constitute a violation of Thailand's international legal obligations and would further damage the country's human rights reputation. Sunai Phasuk, Senior Thailand Adviser at Human Rights Watch, criticized Thailand's repeated willingness to comply with requests from Beijing concerning Chinese political dissidents. He argued that successive Thai governments have repeatedly ignored international human rights obligations in order to maintain favorable relations with China. According to Sunai, Thailand should instead permit the dissidents to travel safely to third countries where they have already been accepted for resettlement. Among this group, Zhang has since been released and resettled in Canada. A Falun Gong practitioner, journalist, and member of the “Hong Kong Parliament” exiled activist group, Zhang is wanted by the Hong Kong authorities along with 14 other members of the group for alleged “subversion” under Hong Kong’s draconian National Security law. Zhang had been approved for resettlement in Canada and was scheduled to leave Thailand on 8 July. However, Thai immigration authorities prevented her from departing shortly before her flight and transferred her to immigration detention. Human rights organizations issued statements calling for her release. Fortify Rights submitted a petition on 15 July to Thailand’s Parliamentary Committee on Legal Affairs, Justice and Human Rights requesting an investigation into Zhang’s detention and urging authorities to facilitate her departure to Canada. The organisation argued that preventing a UN-recognised refugee from reaching a country willing to provide asylum raised serious concerns regarding due process and Thailand’s human rights obligations. Zhang’s legal representatives were unable to contact her during the first few days of her detention and were not allowed to visit her. They filed for a court hearing under Thailand’s Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act, requesting that all relevant agencies be summoned to testity on why Zhang was not allowed to board her flight and why her representatives were not informed of her whereabouts. During the hearing on 16 July, a representative of the Immigration Bureau confirmed that the Chinese Embassy in Bangkok had requested that her resettlement be delayed, while Canadian authorities had already accepted her for resettlement and issued the necessary visa. The Thai Immigration Bureau subsequently prevented her departure while the case was considered by Thai authorities. Hong Kong Free Press reported on 6 August that Zhang has arrived in Canada. Her arrival ended weeks of uncertainty over her fate and concern over potential deportation to China. The case of Bai Zhaodong has also received particular international attention. Bai is formerly an investigative journalist for the investigative magazine Caijin. He has reported on high-level corruption in rural China and the social consequences of President Xi Jinping’s poverty alleviation initiatives on vulnerable populations, and fled China after facing pressure for his reporting. Bai told Reporters Without Border (RSF) that at least five charges were brought against him between 2011 and 2022 by various public security departments due to his reporting on fraud and corruption. He was also accused of “inciting subversion of state power,” which carries up to five years in prison. If a court classify it as a “major crime,” five year is the minimum sentence. Reuters reported that China has requested Bai’s extradition from Thailand, claiming that Bai is wanted on charges of extortion and bribery. Bai remains in detention. His lawyers have filed a petition with the South Bangkok Criminal Court for his release on the grounds that he is being unlawfully detained. A hearing will take place on 18 September. Nadthasiri Bergman, one of Bai‘s lawyers, said that Bai has a visa for a third country. He was initially scheduled to leave Thailand on 5 February, but the trip was cancelled after Thai authorities claimed that the exit clearance process was not completed. His re-scheduled trip on 22 June was also cancelled.  Nadthasiri said that exit clearance must not take more than 3 weeks and should be completed. She noted Bai has no criminal charge in Thailand and a third country has already agreed to his resettlement, and that it is unclear why he is not allowed to leave the country. Another detainee, Tan Yixiang, has reportedly been deported. A Catholic activist and vocal advocate for the rights of Tibetans and Uyghurs, Tan came to Thailand in 2022. According to Human Rights Watch, he was then arrested and later released on bail in mid-2023. The police arrested him again in February 2024 and placed in immigration detention. Thai Enquirer reported that Tan was deported around 11 - 12 July, days before Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s official visit to Beijing. Sunai told Thai Enquirer that Tan was deported, but there was no confirmation from the Thai or Chinese governments. It is unclear whether Zhou Junyi, a member of the banned China Democracy Party who fled China in 2015 and was arrested in Bangkok in 2025 after organising a memorial event for the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre, is still held in immigration detention. The case of the detained dissidents follows a broader pattern of controversial deportations and forced returns by Thailand that have drawn international concern. Thailand has previously returned refugees and dissidents to countries like China, Vietnam, and Cambodia, where they are likely to be prosecuted or face other abuses. Many of those forcibly returned were UN-recognised refugees. Two Chinese activists and UN-recognised refugees, Dong Guangping and Jiang Yifei, were deported to China in 2015, despite being approved for resettlement in Canada. Both were subsequently detained upon their return. In February 2025, Thailand deported 40 Uyghur men to China despite repeated warnings from the UN and international human rights organizations that they could face human rights violations upon their return. Earlier, in 2015, Thai authorities also deported more than 100 Uyghur asylum seekers to China, triggering widespread condemnation from the international community. In November 2021, Thai authorities deported at least three Cambodian refugees despite UNHCR having notified the government of their refugee status and concerns about their safety if returned. UNHCR condemned the deportations, saying that it contravenes the principle of non-refoulement. Freedom House has also documented the case of four Cambodian dissidents who were deported from Thailand that same month despite being registered as refugees with UNHCR; all four were reportedly arrested immediately after their return to Cambodia. Thailand has also faced criticism over the forced return of Vietnamese dissidents. In November 2024, Thai authorities extradited Y Quynh Bdap, a Montagnard human rights and religious activist who had been recognised as a refugee by UNHCR, to Vietnam. Human Rights Watch said his return placed him at risk of torture and other serious abuses, while Bdap had previously been sentenced in absentia by a Vietnamese court to 10 years in prison on terrorism-related charges that he denied. The case prompted renewed concerns that Thailand may prioritise immigration enforcement and bilateral relations over the protection of people fleeing political persecution. Even refugees and asylum seekers who are not dissidents are not safe. Thailand has hosted displaced persons from Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam for decades, and UNHCR reported that Thailand was hosting more than 80,000 refugees from Myanmar in nine border shelters and around 6,500 urban refugees and asylum seekers from more than 46 countries as of February 2026. In 2025, Human Rights Watch reported that Thai authorities continued to carry out mass deportations of Myanmar nationals, including children, despite the grave risks they could face if returned given continuing conflict and repression in Myanmar. More recently, in August 2026, rights groups warned that 26 ethnic Karen villagers detained in Phetchaburi province faced possible deportation to Myanmar after Thai authorities raided their community and arrested 28 people, including children and pregnant women. Thailand is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention and has no national refugee law. However, its 2023 Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Dispparance Act prohibit the transfer of individuals to a countries where they may face torture or inhumane treatment. Human rights organizations have argued that deporting the dissidents would be in conflict not only with international human rights laws but also with Thailand’s own legislation. Meanwhile, the absence of secure legal status leaves many refugees and asylum seekers vulnerable to immigration detention, forced return and pressure from the governments they fled. Human rights advocates believe that these cases reflect a broader pattern of transnational repression, whereby governments are cooperating with each other to monitor, intimidate, detain, abduct, or forcibly return political oppositions and human rights defenders. In Southeast Asia, dissidents who fled to neighbouring countries continue to face surveillance, legal pressure, extradition requests, and diplomatic efforts aimed at securing their return. The pressure also operates in the opposite direction. Thai activists who fled to Laos, Cambodia, or Vietnam have disappeared or been killed, such as Chatchan Buppawan and Kraidej Leulert, whose body was found in the Mekong River in December 2018 after they disappeared in Laos along with fellow dissident Surachai Danwattananusorn.  Siam Theerawut and Chucheap Chewasut, both Thai dissidents living in exile in Vietnam, were reportedly extradited back to Thailand but were never heard from again. Taken together, these cases illustrate how transnational repression can function through a combination of formal and informal mechanisms: extradition requests, immigration detention, diplomatic pressure, surveillance, cross-border policing and, in the most serious cases, alleged abduction or enforced disappearance. Freedom House has described Southeast Asia as a major centre of such cooperation, noting that authoritarian governments increasingly collaborate to pursue dissidents beyond their own borders. The result is a regional environment in which exile does not necessarily guarantee safety. For refugees and political activists, crossing into a neighbouring country may provide temporary physical distance from persecution without providing durable protection from the governments they fled. Observers also argue that Thailand's expanding strategic partnership with China has contributed to growing concerns regarding refugee protection. China has become one of Thailand's largest trading partners and a major investor in infrastructure, tourism, and transportation projects. While neither government has publicly acknowledged any connection between bilateral relations and the treatment of Chinese dissidents, Human Rights Watch warned that Beijing's increasing pressure ahead of Prime Minister Anutin's official visit has heightened fears that political considerations may influence decisions concerning refugee protection.  Thailand’s handling of the case may also affect its international standing ahead of its Universal Periodic Review (UPR) later this year. As a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council, Thailand has repeatedly committed to strengthening human rights protections, including for refugees and asylum seekers. Yet the detention, threatened deportation and forced-return cases involving people from China, Cambodia, Vietnam and Myanmar have raised broader questions about whether Thailand can provide a safe and reliable place of refuge for people fleeing persecution. For refugee advocates, the cases of Bai Zhaodong, Zhou Junyi and Tan Yixiang therefore extend beyond the fate of three individuals: they are a test of whether Thailand will uphold the principle of non-refoulement when doing so may conflict with diplomatic or security interests. Human Rights Watch and Fortify Rights have urged Thai authorities to allow the remaining dissidents to travel to countries willing to receive them, arguing that Thailand's response will demonstrate whether its international human rights commitments are being implemented in practice. eng editor 1 Sat, 2026-09-05 - 23:05 * Round Up (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 04/09/2026
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Between fighting and talking: horse-trading in Thailand’s far South
Between fighting and talking: horse-trading in Thailand’s far South Throughout the night of August 22–23, separatist combatants carried out attacks on 51 targets across the restive far South, in the provinces of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat. A week later, the final count stood at 79 attacks, with Songkhla appearing in the revised tally. All fingers pointed to the Barisan Revolusi Nasional Melayu Patani (BRN), the long-standing separatist movement that controls virtually all of the combatants on the ground. As in previous cases, the BRN has neither confirmed nor denied its activities. The group does not have an explicit political branch to communicate with the public—not due to a lack of effort, but because Thailand deliberately avoids recognizing the political aspects of the conflict, fearing that doing so would further legitimize the BRN. Foreign parties who attempt, formally or informally, to engage the BRN have faced stern warnings from Bangkok. Despite this, since 2013, Thailand has sent officials to meet with BRN representatives not for official “negotiations,” but rather for “discussions.” Because the BRN lacks a visible political wing to speak to the public, the Thai state largely controls the narrative. This might seem like it would make the government’s counterinsurgency messaging straightforward, but that has not been the case. Security officials have struggled to persuade both the local people in the far South and international observers of their perspective, mainly due to limited sophistication and communication abilities within Thailand’s security agencies and policy circles. On the evening of August 22, amid the coordinated wave of arson and bombing attacks by separatist insurgents, an army helicopter was flying around Narathiwat’s Chanae District, allegedly firing at 2 young men, one of whom, Solae Doloh, 21, took a bullet to the stomach. An eyewitness provided the same account to local and foreign media. The Army denied shooting at the two young men but would not release the helicopter’s gun-camera footage, despite repeated calls from Parliament. But this isn’t really a story about ballistics or one contested night. It’s a story about a trust account that’s been overdrawn for more than two decades, and a government that keeps making withdrawals from it in the same clumsy way. The net effect is a government that keeps choosing the posture of a party defending its institution over the posture of a party trying to be believed by a sceptical public — which, twenty years and one Tak Bai massacre later, is exactly the wrong instinct if the goal is actually to move the peace process forward. It is received as the latest instance of a script the community has seen before: Royal Thai Army (RTA) dismisses allegations, official inquiry goes nowhere, nobody is ever held accountable. One doesn’t need to believe this specific denial is a lie to understand why residents assume it is. The prior is doing the work, not the evidence. The BRN, in the absence of a political wing and a sound communication strategy, lets their violence speak for it. As Assoc Prof Srisompob Jitpiromsri, Director of Deep South Watch, puts it, insurgency violence is a form of communicative action. Even BRN officials on the negotiating team acknowledge that the absence of a platform for negotiation creates an atmosphere in which combatants feel freer to act on their own initiative. They were referring to the absence of the terms of reference (TOR) for the Temporary Reduction of Violence — an issue that has been on the table since former Thailand spy chief Thanut Suvarnananda took over the position as the government’s chief negotiator. The meetings also touched upon a number of progressive items — amnesty for detainees, greater space for Patani Malay cultural identity and historical narrative, and power-sharing between the region and Bangkok. The two sides were hoping the TOR would be completed in time for the September 2026 high level official meeting. But RTA generals, humiliated by the July 22 shooting deaths of five paramilitary rangers, threw a monkey wrench into the process: they halted the TOR process until the BRN could explain why, just as negotiations were moving along, combatants had carried out an attack like the July 22 incident. Reading the demand as a face-saving move, the BRN never offered an explanation. Instead, its combatants launched the coordinated attacks of August 22–23, jolting the security apparatus even more. The movement has also insisted that any reduction of violence — and any eventual ceasefire — must involve an international monitoring team working alongside local civil society organizations on the ground. The dilemma this creates is nerve-wracking: delaying the talks to “punish” the BRN only means more attacks, since there is nothing left to restrain the combatants. At a minimum, a signed TOR on the reduction of violence would give the conflict some degree of predictability. Deputy Prime Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow, who chairs the Special Representatives Committee on the Southern Border Provinces, conceded that the assessment and the response fell short despite the warning from intelligence. That admission, however candid, turned a security incident into a political liability; it became a specific failure to point to, rather than the usual generalized complaint about an intractable conflict. A long and bloody road ahead Part of the face-saving narrative includes a sexed-up claim that there is some serious infighting within the BRN, that its military wing is hitting Thailand hard to discredit its own political leaders and negotiators. A BRN officer dismissed this, saying the attacks have more to do with the fact that the BRN marks August as the month of “merdeka,” when countries across the Malay Archipelago -- Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia -- commemorate their independence. This is not to say the combatants are indifferent to what is being discussed at the negotiating table. BRN combatants effectively operate on autopilot: the political wing does not order attacks; militant cells decide among themselves what to hit and when. There have been times when combatants went beyond the unwritten ground rules and struck soft targets — as in the aftermath of the assassination of a key militant leader, Abdulroning Lateh, in April 2025, although the RTA denied responsibility for his death. Artef Sohko, President of The Patani, a political action group that frequently serves as an intermediary between Thai state agencies and the rebel movements, said BRN combatants were angered by tough talk from RTA generals, including incoming National Security Council Secretary-General Gen. Chaiyapruek Duangprapat, who vowed to hunt down BRN insurgents wherever they are hiding. Artef said the attacks were not aimed at running up a body count; rather, the sheer size and scope of the operation was meant to discredit the Thai security agencies. Trying to get back on track In recent interviews, Thanut indicated that discussions may resume in October. Others are pushing for talks to move up to September — though this depends on Malaysia appointing a new facilitator in time. Informed sources say the next facilitator could well be another army general. Observers of the conflict say Thanut is banking on two pieces of legislation — the Local Government Act and the Minority Rights Act — to form the basis for satisfying BRN’s demand for greater recognition of its people and historical narrative. Progressive ideas, such as making Malay a “working” language alongside “official” Thai, and implementing bilingual education for children in the far South whose mother tongue is Malay, were floated back in 2005 by the now-defunct National Reconciliation Commission (NRC). None of the NRC’s suggestions were taken up by the Thaksin Shinawatra government of the time; his all-or-nothing approach only dug a deeper hole for efforts to resolve the conflict. But resuming talks with the BRN is not the only challenge facing Thanut. The spy chief will also have to manage Thai generals who have never liked the idea of negotiating with the BRN, believing it unnecessarily legitimizes the separatist movement. These generals believe that if they could talk to the BRN’s military leaders directly, they could bring the conflict to an end. No one knows what concessions, if any, the RTA is willing to make. For now, the RTA is working a secret track with Indonesia’s Jusuf Kalla, hoping the former Indonesian Vice President can open a channel of communication with the BRN’s military wing. The RTA also sought help from a Malaysian think tank as they tried to conjure up a separate track to reach BRN military leaders. The RTA doesn’t seem to grasp that, in line with international best practice, it cannot pick and choose who it wants to talk to — it has to talk to whoever the BRN sends. Don Pathan is a security analyst focusing on conflict in Myanmar/Burma and insurgency in Thailand’s far South. eng editor 3 Thu, 2026-09-03 - 17:25 * Opinion * Deep South * insurgency (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 03/09/2026
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The Red Shirts through Gen Z eyes
The Red Shirts through Gen Z eyes Prachatai explores the memories of young people whose parents or relatives were part of the “Red Shirt” and “Yellow Shirt” camps. We ask what they were told about the Red Shirts as children, whether their understandings changed over time, and what, if any, place the Red Shirts occupied in the youth protests of 2020. It was only 16 years ago that the crackdown and killings of Red Shirt protesters took place in central Bangkok, but young people generally know very little about the incident. They have a much better understanding of older events such as the 1932 revolution, the 14 October 1973 student uprising, and the 6 October 1976 Thammasat massacre. To understand why, Prachatai interviewed academics, political researchers, and Gen Z informants. Childhood memories of Red Shirts Kong, a 25-year-old former Chulalongkorn University student, grew up in Bangkok. He is the first person in his family to earn a bachelor’s degree. His mother is from Sri Sa Ket.  She told him that their family directly benefited from Thai Rak Thai government policies like the Village Fund and the 30-baht universal healthcare scheme. She felt that their lives improved significantly because of such policies. The question of whether Thaksin was corrupt didn’t bother her; she liked him because “he made sure we had enough to eat”. Kong’s father used to watch the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) protests on television. However, parental political differences did not make the atmosphere at home particularly tense. Kong barely understood what was happening during the 2006 coup. It was not until 2009, when he began seeing the distinctive red plastic foot clappers (ตีนตบ) in his house, that he became aware of the Red Shirt movement. He later learned that some of his aunts and uncles were Red Shirt protesters and that some had had to flee military gunfire. The events of 2010 made him question why society responded so differently to the Yellow Shirts and the Red Shirts - as though one group was good and the other bad. He believes that some Abhisit government policies adversely affected his family, including restrictions on the purchase of palm oil. He also thinks that a first-car scheme implemented under the Yingluck government helped his family become more financially secure. Khemmoot, a 25-year-old former Thammasat University student, recalls that her father watched Yellow Shirt demonstrations. He told her that Red Shirt protesters were “paid to go to demonstrations”, which gave her a negative impression of them early on. However, she felt conflicted because neighbours he described this way were kind people that she knew. Her senior year in high school, she began reading the work of Somsak Jeamteerasakul, at a time when political satire about the junta was becoming increasingly common. A private tutor criticised her for sharing his writings, even calling her family and demanding an apology. A major turning point came when she entered Thammasat University. There, she met friends who took her to academic discussions and political demonstrations, and she started to understand the country’s structural problems and economic inequality. She only came to fully understand the Red Shirt movement in 2020, when she visited relatives in Uthai Thani and an uncle who had been a Red Shirt told her about his experiences. He had gone to Bangkok for work and joined the protests because he saw injustice. He still kept a blood-stained shirt belonging to a friend, as well as a piece of a tank’s indicator light as a memento. Another aunt, however, had burned her Red Shirt clothes, cards and other belongings because she feared being targeted after the crackdown. Limited knowledge of the Red Shirt movement Dr Anusorn Unno says that university students today generally know little about the Red Shirts. Much depends on how interested they are in politics. Those with some interest tend to see the Red Shirts as lower-income people who were treated unjustly. Those with a strong interest see them as people who fought against unjust power before their own generation did. Teerapon Anmai, a lecturer at Ubon Ratchathani University, says many students know little more than that the Red Shirts opposed the Yellow Shirts. He thinks that those with a deeper understanding come from Red Shirt families, have relatives who took part in the movement, or are particularly interested in politics and critical analysis. He says that in 2020, young people and student protesters could be divided into two broad categories: those with Red Shirt parents who had a good understanding of the movement, and those who knew of the Red Shirts but had little detailed knowledge. After the 2023 election, most students leaned towards the ‘orange’ Move Forward Party camp rather than the ‘red’ one. A smaller group of students who supported the red camp had a deeper understanding of politics and electoral principles. Their numbers increased in the last election, but they remain a minority. The Red Shirts’ ‘place’ in the 2020 protests After the 2014 coup, the Red Shirt movement broke up. Its leaders were arrested or forced into exile and its supporters dispersed. When youth opposition to authoritarianism emerged in 2020, Red Shirts became part of the movement and a source of support but did not take leadership roles. They provided support through their participation, financial contributions and bail funds. In 2021, they also joined the car protests, where symbols of the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) appeared alongside those of the Ratsadon movement. Again, however, they did not lead the protests. A significant event took place on 14 August 2020, when Chulalongkorn students publicly read an excerpt from Red Shirt leader Nattawut Saikua’s speech “Voice from the Earth to the Sky”. According to Teerapon, the reading was a way of honouring the Red Shirts’ struggle and it triggered a public apology to the movement from members of the younger generation, including some former supporters of the PAD and PDRC.  He thinks that students protested when Abhisit spoke at Chulalongkorn because they remembered his role as prime minister during the 2010 crackdown. Anusorn views the students’ decision to read “Voice from the Earth to the Sky” as a “link” between different generations, reflecting a continuation of questions about the role and authority that began to emerge within the Red Shirt movement in 2008, even though criticism of the monarchy was not yet part of the movement at the time. Nalinrat says that the Red Shirts she interviewed were deeply moved to see the younger generation recognise the value of their struggle, as itconfirmed that what they had done was not in vain.  A thesis examining the event concluded that students were not specifically speaking about the Red Shirts, however, but rather were comparing their own experience of being “small people without a voice” to that of Red Shirt citizens in the past. Kong believes that the 2020 protests helped reduce some of the stigma surrounding the Red Shirts, but agrees that their history remained marginalised. Some people worried that associating the youth movement with the Red Shirts would “taint” it, and some Red Shirts did not want young protesters to face the same kind of crackdown they experienced. Why young people are not ‘into’ the Red Shirts “Class consciousness and perceptions of politicians” are clearly factors. Young people may feel more connected to the People’s Party movement and the October 1973 protests because they associate both with a new generation and a sense of “hope”. In contrast, the Red Shirts are linked in the popular imagination to workers, rural people and Thaksin. Teerapon argues that among members of the middle class, academia, the media and NGOs, the Red Shirts are often treated as “a mass movement serving politicians” that did not really address contemporary demands, despite the fact that a key demand in 2010, one that got many people injured and killed, was simply for Abhisit to dissolve parliament and hold a new election. Another issue is the negative media narratives surrounding the Red Shirt movement. As noted by Teerapon, the movement was never really “romanticised” during the Yellow Shirt-Red Shirt conflict because the media was largely a tool of the state. Although online media began presenting alternative perspectives after 2020, coverage of the Red Shirts was fairly limited, never becoming a part of popular culture. At the same time, negative portrayals of Red Shirts as “men in black” who tried to burned down the country shaped public perceptions, even though criminal cases supporting this interpretation were later dismissed. “Nang Baek” perceptions of Thaksin According to researcher Nalinrat Lertleelawiram, young female supporters of Pheu Thai, so-called “Nang Baek”, include both descendants of Red Shirts and people from conservative families. As a result of interacting, some formerconservatives now understand that Thaksin was not “a bad person” but rather “a capable leader who was a victim of political circumstances”. They remain less enthusiastic than an earlier generation of supporters, however. The 2020 protests also changed how they viewed the Red Shirts, with many coming to see them as victims who suffered injustice. This did not necessarily mean that young Pheu Thai supporters identified with Red Shirts, however. Instead, defence of Thaksin and Pheu Thai became associated with this newer “Nang Baek” identity. This reportedly contributed to tensions between the red and orange camps, causing some of those who respected the Red Shirts’ past struggle to strongly dislike their “Nang Baek” counterparts. Despited shared political sympathies, they remained separate groups. Nalinrat sees a generational difference between the “Nang Baek” and the Red Shirts. Members of the former group do not consider themselves Red Shirts.  Their support for Pheu Thai and Thaksin does not stem from the same political experiences and attachments that shaped the original Red Shirt movement. Kong also argues that treating the “Nang Baek” as part of a single group denies them their own agency. In his view, they have their own reasons for making political choices and should be allowed to express those views. Gender, sexuality and Gen Z politics Anusorn observes that gender and sexuality influence the political preferences of young people as well. Some students have begun distancing themselves from the orange party because of internal problems and sexual-harassment allegations. Meanwhile, at least some of the students who protested against Abhisit’s speech at Chulalongkorn were members of the LGBTQ+ community. Khemmoot herself supported the orange party in 2023, but switched to the red party in the most recent election because she liked its approach to labour issues and felt that the orange party’s positions on certain matters did not align with her values concerning human rights and economic justice. The new generation of “Nang Baek” can also be said to communicate differently from earlier Red Shirts. They use queer-influenced language, humour, satire and pop culture, making politics something that can be experienced as part of everyday life. The #genzforpheuthai phenomenon during the most recent election showed that some Gen Z and first-time voters have begun openly supporting Pheu Thai, despite being mocked and accused by orange supporters of being “paid to do it”. Pheu Thai itself also adopted the communication style of the “Nang Baek” in its campaign in a bid to speak directly to Gen Z. eng editor 3 Thu, 2026-09-03 - 15:07 * Feature * Red-shirt * Student protest 2020 * Gen Z (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 03/09/2026
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Thai court to hear challenge to detention of Chinese journalist Bai Zhaodong
Thai court to hear challenge to detention of Chinese journalist Bai Zhaodong The South Bangkok Criminal Court will hear a challenge to the detention of a Chinese investigative journalist and UN-recognised refugee Bai Zhaodong, who has been in detention for approximately six months and was twice barred from traveling to a third country. It was reported on 31 August that the 56-year-old Chinese journalist and UN-recognised refugee submitted a petition with the South Bangkok Criminal Court, requesting his release due to allegedly unlawful detention. The Court accepted the petition and the hearing is scheduled for 18 September.  Who is Bai Zhaodong? According to his interview with Reporters without Borders (RSF), Bai Zhaodong has worked as an investigative journalist in China for over 20 years, most recently with the renowned Beijing Caijing Magazine. His work exposed large-scale corruption and a financial fraud network involving money laundering and other illicit financial activities. The investigation implicated both local government officials and high-ranking officials within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). One of his most outstanding investigations, published in 2017, examined China’s poverty alleviation campaign in Shaanxi Province, revealing the pressure local officials faced from the central government to meet poverty-reduction targets. Between 2011 and 2022, at least five charges were brought against him by various public departments across the country due to his reporting on fraud and corruption scandals.  He was also accused of inciting subversion of state power, a charge that can carry up to five years' imprisonment unless the Chinese courts classify it as a major crime, in which case, five years is the minimum sentence. Bai fled China in 2023 and arrived in Thailand in 2024. On 30 September 2024, the Public Security Bureau of Yulin City issued an arrest warrant for Bai on trumped-up charges of extortion.  At the end of October 2024, Chiang Mai immigration police were seen twice at the hotel where Bai was staying, looking for the journalist. In January 2026, he was placed in a detention facility pending relocation to a third country, but Thai authorities have barred him from leaving Thailand on scheduled flights twice in February and June.  On 16 July, Reuters reported that the Chinese authorities have asked Thailand to promptly extradite Bai. He is currently in detention at the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Centre(IDC).  According to RSF, China ranks 178th out of 180 countries and territories in the 2026 RSF World Press Freedom Index, and currently holds 124 journalists behind bars. Bai’s detention is considered unlawful Nadthasiri Bergman, one of Bai’s legal representatives who filed the request with the Criminal Court, revealed that the request was filed to oppose the unlawful detention of Bai. According to the Immigration Act, the authorities can detain a person as long as necessary pending departure to another country.  The fact is that Bai had been granted a visa and his departure from the the country wasarranged twice on 5 February and 22 June. However, the authorities claimed that the “Exit Clearance” has yet to be completed, resulting in both flights being cancelled.  Nadthasiri observed that the Exit Clearance typically has a 3-week timeframe, and that it should now be completed for Bai’s case. It was also found that Bai did not face any charges in Thailand, and the third country has already agreed to receive him. She noted that there was no reason for the National Security Council to prevent him from travelling to the third country. The lawyer asserted that holding Bai in detention is considered unlawful, noting that the Thai authorities are obliged to allow Bai to go to the third country.  Montana Duangprapa, Bai’s legal representative who recently visited him at the IDC, revealed that Bai was still in good physical health and able to eat normally, despite losing a significant amount of weight, possibly resulting from stress. Bai has underlying health conditions, requiring him to take medication regularly. When the medications are running low, his legal team takes supplies to him in the IDC. She added that the Chinese journalist has recently appeared to be anxious, observing that this could be because there has been no progress on his departure for the third country. Bai is not the first person facing such a situation. In July, the Thai authorities refused to allow Chinese refugee Zhang Xinyan to travel to a third country, claiming that the Exit Clearance had yet to be completed. Zhang was stopped by the Thai authorities before boarding a flight to Canada and was taken back to the Suan Phlu IDC. However, international news outlets later reported on 4 August that she finally arrived in Canada.  Thailand also held in detention Tan Yixiang, a Catholic and vocal advocate for Tibetan and Uyghur rights. He was detained for two years at the Suan Phlu IDC. A source reported that he had a plan to depart to a third country on 12 July, but he disappeared from the IDC. It was later found that Tan was deported to China on 11 June. eng editor 3 Thu, 2026-09-03 - 13:10 * Feature * China * Refugee * non-refoulement * Bai Zhaodong (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 02/09/2026
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Hunger striking activist begins dry fasting after bail denial
Hunger striking activist begins dry fasting after bail denial Activist Promsorn Veerathamjaree has begun dry fasting after over 60 days of hunger strike and being repeatedly denied bail, Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said yesterday (1 September). Promsorn is currently detained pending appeal on six counts of royal defamation, two of which are now before the Supreme Court and two in the Appeal Court. He has been on a hunger strike since 1 July to demand the right to bail. On 29 August, his mother and lawyers filed a bail request for him. His mother petitioned the court to have him released so he can take care of his father, who has several medical conditions including Alzheimer's, noting that he is willing to wear an electronic monitoring bracelet and report to court once a month, and for the court to set other conditions including a curfew and prohibit him from leaving the country, or to appoint a guardian. The Supreme Court subsequently denied the request. Promsorn told a lawyer who visited him yesterday (31 August) that, after 2 months of hunger strike, he has decided that he will start dry fasting. He said that a prison psychologist came to speak to him, but he did not feel pressured. He also noted that prison volunteers have been checking on him twice a day.  eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-09-02 - 16:22 * News * Promsorn Veerathamjaree * hunger strike * Dry fasting * political prisoners * Section 112 * Royal defamation * right to bail (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 02/09/2026
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Chiang Mai activists demand ECT prosecute Senate collusion suspects
Chiang Mai activists demand ECT prosecute Senate collusion suspects  Activists in Chiang Mai staged a protest today (2 September) in front of the Election Commission of Thailand (ECT)’s Chiang Mai office to demand that the ECT prosecute 229 suspects in the Senate collusion case. Activist Chatchai Thammo told Lanner that questions have been raised about collusion during the 2024 Senate selection, which allows political groups to dominate the Senate. The protest was called because people have seen the evidence and want to demand prosecution of the suspects, he said, and because the people must hold independent bodies accountable. The activists are planning to hold another protest on 14 September if no progress is made in the case. It was previously reported that the ECT would rule whether to refer the Senate collusion case to the Supreme Court by the end of August. However, in a press release issued on 28 August, the ECT said it will rule on the case on 14 September. The legal watchdog NGO iLaw, which has been disclosing information about vote rigging and collusion during the Senate select, organised an event at the Chaeng Wattana Government Complex in Bangkok, where the ECT head office is located on Sunday (30 August). They call for the ECT to prosecute all suspects so the evidence can be heard in court. If the ECT does not prosecute any individual, they will release information about that individual‘s involvement to the public.                                        eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-09-02 - 15:53 * News * Chiang mai * Senate collusion * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 02/09/2026
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Election Commission files complaint against iLaw over Senate collusion case
Election Commission files complaint against iLaw over Senate collusion case The Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) has filed a complaint with Central Investigation Bureau’s Crime Suppression Division against the legal watchdog NGO iLaw for exposing documents containing its Deputy Secretary-General's opinions over the Senate collusion case.  On 28 August, ECT Deputy Secretary-General Kanchit Charoen-in immediately filed the complaint against iLaw after it disclosed documents containing his opinions given in September 2025, when he was acting on behalf of Secretary-General Sawaeng Boonmee. His opinions were based on the evidence from the ongoing investigation into collusion inthe Senate election. According to the documents published by iaw, it was found that Kanchit recommended that the ECT file a petition to the Supreme Court, requesting the court to disqualify at least 136 senators, whose numbers were found listed in the same pattern in voting notes of otherindividuals, which revealed too many coincidences. In addition, at least 17 cases indicated that the elected senators may have been involved in making payments to others in suspicious manner.  However, the Deputy Secretary-General recommended dismissing the cases involving financial transactions, claiming that there was not sufficient evidence to show that the transactions were made to influence the senate candidates.  There was also an allegation against 18 prominent members of the ruling Bhumjaithai Party, including Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and other cabinet members. Kanchit recommended dismissing the complaint, saying that the witness who exposed the scheme failed to provide supporting evidence, and reported merely hearsay.  It is widely believed that the ruling BJT dominates the Thai parliament’s upper house. The incumbent Senate has been in office since 2024 after a controversial and complex self-selection process in which vote-rigging has been alleged. Over one-third of Senators, known as Blue Senators after the BJT party colour, are believed to be closely tied to the ruling party. The Senate collusion case has been perceived as the biggest stain on the ruling party. The collusion case has recently been in the spotlight as the opposition party and iLaw have periodically released evidence since July, exposing the scheme’s methods, those allegedly involved, and financial transactions, and demanding that the ECT prosecute all 229 suspects. On 25 August, Justice Minister Pol Lt Gen Rutthaphon Naowarat admitted that the documents disclosed by iLaw were parts of the investigation file from the Department of Special Investigation (DSI), adding that the Minister was investigating how these documents were leaked.  On the same day, it was reported that officials from the DSI filed a complaint with the Crime Suppression Division against individuals who disclosed the investigation documents. The DIS noted that the documents can be disclosed only during a court trial, saying that the disclosure caused significant damage to the process.  Apart from a series of complaints initiated by the state bodies, defamation lawsuits from senators and cabinet members have also been filed. In July, PM Anutin Charnvirakul and eight other high-profile figures threatened to file defamation lawsuits against iLaw Director Yingcheep Atchanont for linking them and the ruling party to the scheme, with Suksomrauy actually filing a case against Yingcheep.  On 20 August, MP Parit Wacharasindhu from the opposition People’s Party revealed that he also faced defamation suits filed by those alleged to be involved in the collusion, on the same grounds.  He faced at least three lawsuits, filed by Deputy Prime Minister Songsak Thongsri, Minister Attached to the PM’s office Suksomrauy Wantaneeyakul, and Senator Sorachat Wish Suwanprom.  eng editor 3 Wed, 2026-09-02 - 12:53 * News * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) * iLaw * Senate collusion * Senate election 2024 (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 01/09/2026
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Activist jailed for royal defamation over live streaming near royal motorcade route
Activist jailed for royal defamation over live streaming near royal motorcade route Pro-democracy activist Tantawan Tuatulanon has been sentenced to two years in prison for royal defamation without suspension over live streaming near a royal motorcade route on 5 March 2022. She was later granted provisional bail pending appeal. Tantawan was charged with royal defamation, violation of the Computer Crimes Act, and other charges for resisting officers and refusing to follow an official order over live streaming near the royal motorcade route on 5 March 2022, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights. Her Facebook livestream showed her questioning the way the authorities cleared the road in preparation for the procession by removing protesting farmers who had been living in a makeshift shelter on the footpath for three months, demanding that the government solve the agricultural debt problem, as they had promised two decades ago. In her live stream, Tantawan expressed her excitement at seeing real horses from the cavalry and questioning the perspective of the King and police in clearing the protesters away from the scene instead of coming to listen to the farmers’ grievances.  The broadcast included phrases like “What route is this? Can I see the horses? Can I look at the horses? Can I come for a close look?”, “The farmers’ protest has to move … so you should know that the farmers’ protest must be moved because one person is coming”, and “Let’s remember that the farmers’ protest has to move. Instead of listening to their problems, the authorities have chased them off just because one person is coming. So let’s remember, between the people and the monarch, who is more important.” According to the Criminal Court, her action was not considered questioning in good faith but carried defamatory implications toward the King.  The Court stated that if she intended to criticise officials, it can be done without referring to the King, but several of her actions were insulting to the King.  She was also found guilty of violating the Computer Crimes Act, as she imported false information which was related to national security into a computer system through her Facebook account.  The defendant was found guilty of refusing to follow an official order, as she refused to stop live streaming when told to do so three times by the officers. In addition, she kicked the officers during the arrest. However, she was found not guilty of resisting officers, as they did not inform her of the charges while arresting her. The Court concluded that she did not intend to hurt the officers but acted out of fright.   The Court sentenced her to three years in prison without suspension. Tantawan also received a 900-baht fine for refusing to follow an official order. Due to her guilty plea, the sentence was reduced to two years in prison with a 600-baht fine. She was granted provisional bail pending appeal with 100,000 baht as security on the condition that she does not travel aboard.  On 5 March, Tantawan broadcast live on Ratchadamnoen Nok Road which the officers claimed was the route of King Vajiralongkorn’s royal motorcade. The arrest was made by about 60 police officers ahead of the motorcade's arrival. She was initially charged with refusing to follow an official order and resisting officers. She was then taken to the Phaya Thai Police Station and was not allowed to meet a lawyer.  The activist was informed of a royal defamation charge and a charge related to the Computer Crimes Act on the following day (6 March 2022).  Tantawan was detained at the Narcotics Suppression Bureau located inside the Police Club from 5 March to 7 March 2022 when she was granted bail with 100,000 baht as security and on condition that she does not repeat the offense or participate in activities which damage the monarchy, and that she must wear an electronic monitoring bracelet. During witness testimony, Tantawan argued that her live stream was to question the authorities, insisting that the point where she livestreamed was not the royal motorcade route, and she resisted the officers because they did not tell her where she would be taken.  This case led to her being detained twice, during which she went on two hunger strikes. The first hunger strike occurred after the Court denied bail on 20 April 2022 on the grounds that she posted on her Facebook and drove close to the royal motorcade.  Tantawan was detained at the Central Women’s Correctional Institution. This hunger strike lasted for 37 days until she was allowed bail on 26 May 2022.  In January 2023, she revoked her own bail in this case to protest the court’s alleged injustice and to demand the right to bail for political prisoners. Her second hunger strike lasted 53 days. Tantawan also faced a royal defamation charge for conducting a poll on royal motorcades in February 2022. However, on 6 July this year, the South Bangkok Criminal Court dismissed the charge, ruling that the poll only raised questions about royal motorcades and did not mention specific members of the royal family.  eng editor 3 Tue, 2026-09-01 - 11:01 * News * Royal defamation * Section 112 * lese majeste * Tantawan Tuatulanon (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 31/08/2026
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Civil society demands ECT prosecute senate collusion suspects
Civil society demands ECT prosecute senate collusion suspects On Sunday (30 August), a gathering took place at the Chaeng Watthana Government Complex, where the office of the Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) is located, to demand that the ECT prosecute all 229 individuals suspected of involvement in collusion during the 2024 Senate selection and refer the case to the Supreme Court. Organised by the legal watchdog NGO iLaw, the event was designed as a sports day. Over a hundred runners joined the 2.29-KM run around the running track on the 4th floor of the Government Complex. Meanwhile, participants took part in games of badminton, using boxes with pictures of Bhumjaithai cabinet ministers accused of involvement in senate collusion to hold down the net. Others played “Blue into the group” - a game in which they throw balls into boxes with names of suspects in the Senate collusion case. After the activities, representatives of the Human Rights Lawyers Association (HRLA) and other civil society organizations read out a statement demanding that the ECT prosecute all 229 suspects, noting that the ECT is required by law to refer a case to court if there is reasonable evidence that a candidate committed election fraud or that they know others had committed fraud.  The statement noted that the ECT‘s own investigation committee ruled that the case should be referred to court. However, instead of doing so, the ECT formed a sub-committee to rule on the issue. The sub-committee then ruled that the suspects were not guilty. This is in spite of evidence such as witness testimony, money transfer, phone call logs, and evidence of meetings between the suspects, which should have been seen as reasonable evidence of fraud. Some of this evidence has also been released to the public. The organizations also said that there would not be a need for whistleblowers if the ECT is doing its job independently and as required by law. Meanwhile, citizens have a constitutional duty to protect the interest of the country. Citizens and political parties also have the right to hold the ECT accountable, as they have the right to seek, impart, and receive information and the right to take part in the conduct of public affairs under Articles 19 and 29 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The government is also responsible for protecting citizens who express opinions or publish information that is within the public interest from lawsuits. ”The Human Rights Lawyers Association and other undersigned organizations call on the ECT to prosecute the senators and do its job as an independent body responsible for holding power in check without being dominated by political power. We also call on personnel and mechanism throughout the judicial process to protect the people’s rights and freedom, to keep in the mind the country’s interest, and to not yield to power and become a tool for silencing the people,” said the statement. Before the end of the event, participants took photos together holding cardboard boxes with pictures of the 229 suspects, while a banner saying “Prosecute the senators” was dropped from the fourth floor balcony. In a press release issued last Friday (28 August), the ECT said that it will rule whether to refer the Senate collusion case to court on 14 September. iLaw director Yingcheep Atchanont said that the civil society’s only demand remains that the ECT prosecute all 229 suspects, so that the evidence can be heard in court. If the ECT decides not to prosecute any suspect, iLaw and its network will release information about that individual’s involvement to the public. With two weeks to go before the ECT make its decision, Yingcheep said that interested citizens may help by collecting information about senators from their provinces, their connection to political parties, or if there is any accusation that they are involved in vote rigging during the Senate selection, and send the information to iLaw. Netizens can support the campaign by posting pictures, change their profile covers, or use the hashtag #สั่งฟ้องสว. (“Prosecute the senators”). The civil society network is planning another event on 13 September, a day before the ECT‘s meeting. Yingcheep said that the format, time, and location of the event will be announced at a later date. eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-08-31 - 16:59 * News * Senate collusion * iLaw * Senate election 2024 * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 28/08/2026
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Woman faces royal defamation charge over Facebook clips
Woman faces royal defamation charge over Facebook clips A 44-year-old woman has been charged with royal defamation for sharing video clips criticising the monarchy. Notably, she and the complainant have had a prior personal conflict.  Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) reported that Kesanee (pseudonym), from Nakhon Ratchasima, was charged with royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act. The case stems from four Facebook video clips, which involved the political situation in Thailand and criticised the monarchy. Kesanee received a summons on 20 August when she found out that the complaint was filed by Chanwit Wongchanrueng.  The complaint states that the complainant came across content on Kesanee’s Facebook account and found that she had posted her own video clips, which he viewed as defamatory toward members of the monarchy.  Kesanee denies all allegations. The inquiry officer filed a petition with the Court, requesting detention for 12 days, claiming that the inquiry process has yet to be completed. The officer also opposed bail, citing that the offences carry a high penalty and that the suspect could flee. On the same day, the Nakhon Ratchasima Provincial Court allowed bail with 150,000 baht as security.  According to TLHR, Kesinee had lived in Sweden before moving back to Thailand two years ago. She revealed that she and the complainant Chanwit had been involved in a personal conflict, which led to a defamation lawsuit.  He has now filed a royal defamation suit against her. Kesanee said she has actively followed political news since the Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha administration, whose performance she was dissatisfied with. She noted that she has never participated in political demonstrations. This case highlights one of the most significant problems with Thailand’s royal defamation law. The law allows ordinary people to file royal defamation charges. It has also been used by conservative groups to target those with opposing political views.  Although the number of new royal defamation cases has decreased recently, there are periodically still charges. Since 2020, at least 293 people have been prosecuted in 322 cases.  eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-08-28 - 16:30 * News * Royal defamation * Section 112 * lese majeste (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 28/08/2026
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The Myawaddy Scammer Crackdown: The Compounds Are Gone, but the Networks Remain
The Myawaddy Scammer Crackdown: The Compounds Are Gone, but the Networks Remain TCIJ x Prachatai: Report Cover illustration by Kittiya On-in  From late 2025 to early 2026, pressure on scam-centre operations across the Mekong region rose to an unprecedented level. Law-enforcement measures expanded beyond the arrest of rank-and-file workers inside scam compounds to include actions against capital groups and executives accused of standing behind transnational criminal networks. In October 2025, the United States and the United Kingdom announced sanctions and legal action against Chen Zhi, chairman of Prince Group, for online fraud, money laundering and forced labour. He was subsequently arrested by Cambodian authorities and extradited to China for prosecution. A similar fate befell She Zhijiang, chair of the Yatai group and developer of the Yatai-Shwe Kokko New City project.  Detaining in Thailand since 2022, he was extradited to China on 12 November 2025.  Police escort She Zhijiang back to China for prosecution on 12 November 2025. Source: Matichon Online. The Myanmar military released images from a search of a building inside KK Park and the seizure of Starlink satellite-internet equipment. The operation began on 19 October 2025. Source: Mizzima. Advance tip offs On 19 October 2025, the Myanmar military formally raided KK Park. But days earlier, local sources reported that senior managers and owners of a number of scam compounds had already been informed about the pending action. According to those accounts, the Border Guard Force/Karen National Army (BGF/KNA) and the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), which had long protected these networks, moved bosses and senior managers out of the area before the backhoes arrived.  Lower-level scam workers were left to find their own way out. A Filipino worker, who asked to remain anonymous, told the Associated Press that he and 20 colleagues escaped by jumping over a fence, leaving five Ethiopian workers on the same team behind. “They wanted to go to another company,” he said. He also claims to have heard Chinese bosses discussing plans to move to Cambodia.  Workers who fled KK Park were scattered across nearby scam compounds that were still operating, including Dongmei Park, Huanya Park, Poly Park and Shunda Park around Mae Htaw Tha Lay, In Kyin Myaing and Min Let Pan, as well as Wankha, Thaepone and Myawaddy town. Some also moved into areas under DKBA control, including Kyauk Khet, Waw Lay and Payathonzu, or Three Pagodas Pass.  One Filipina said the scam company she worked for moved dozens of people, computers and Wi-Fi routers to nearby Huanya Park in order to continue a gold-trading scam targeting an elderly American man. Although the Myanmar junta later claimed that the demolition of KK Park was complete, that all buildings had been destroyed and that thousands of suspects had been arrested, satellite imagery tells a different story. The Center for Information Resilience (CIR), a London-based non-profit monitoring human-rights abuses, found that during the first round of demolitions, the one Myanmar authorities claimed completely destroyed the compound, only 31 buildings were flattened. 78 others were only partially damaged, leaving roofs, ceilings and floors largely intact. Guy Fusfus of Myanmar Witness, a CIR affiliate, told AP that this may have been done to facilitate reconstruction, a hypothesis seemingly born out by subsequent developments.  Analysts with C4ADS, a nonprofit organisation that works to defeat the illicit networks that threaten global peace and security, compared satellite imagery at 21 suspected scam sites in Myawaddy District, and found that 14, including KK Park, showed signs of new construction, expansion or renovation since January 2026. Figures released by Myanmar News Agency add another layer of complexity to the analysis. By January 2026, the junta reported that 635 illegal buildings in KK Park had been demolished. Later, in June 2026, it reported that demolition work was still continuing in Shwe Kokko, where 77 illegal buildings had been identified. Of these, 64 had already been demolished, while 13 remained to be removed. The illusion of a crackdown Observers note that Myanmar authorities were not entirely on board with the crackdown. Jason Tower, a senior expert at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC), believes that the KK Park operation was simply a way for the country’s military leaders to relieve pressure from the United States and China while continuing to tolerate lucrative criminal activity. “There is no real political will to crack down,” he said. A 2025 report by a Thai parliamentary subcommittee on call-centre scams identified yet another obstacle to suppressing scam networks.  Whenever authorities raided a compound, the gangs dissolved and relocated to new areas beyond the reach of law enforcement, recruiting workers and resuming operations. According to the report, grey Chinese capital expanded into border cities such as Laukkai in Shan State, Boten in Laos, and Tha Sen-Thmoda in Cambodia, using Thailand as a transit route and resource base. Without real international cooperation, the report warned, the fight against scam gangs would remain an endless chase. After the crackdown In conducting this investigation, reporters monitored 33 Telegram online groups over the first half of 2026. These are part of a wider online environment that includes cross-border job groups, overseas Thai community chat groups, Burmese-language employment groups, Myawaddy-based Chinese-language groups, everyday trading groups, and channels buying and selling bank accounts, personal data and services linked to the grey economy.  We covered chat groups that focussed on the Thai-Myanmar border (9 groups), the Thai-Laos border (1 group), and the Thai-Cambodia border (23 groups).  Functioning as job boards, they also amount to an online ecosystem where people in border areas can exchange information on accommodation, border-crossing services, transport, cash and cryptocurrency exchange, phones, social-media accounts, IT equipment, bank accounts and personal data. Some also solicit local services in Myawaddy, Tachileik and Poipet. In other words, they provide communication and service infrastructure for people and networks operating in border economies. Despite the crackdown on major scam compounds in KK Park, Shwe Kokko and parts of the Thai-Cambodia border, the groups remained active. They continued to carry job ads, bank-account and social-media-account trading, customer-data sales, cryptocurrency exchange, border-crossing services and everyday goods and services. As to whether the major compounds were truly dismantled or simply relocated, our examination of chat groups suggests dispersal around Myawaddy, movement deeper into Myanmar, and relocation to neighboring countries. Adapting in Myawaddy As noted above, senior figures from KK Park reportedly dispersed to Wankha, Thaepone, Shwe Kokko and Myawaddy town under BGF protection, as well as to Kyauk Khet and Waw Lay along routes controlled by the DKBA and the Myanmar military. Observers at both the Irrawaddy and Institute for Strategy and Policy Myanmar (ISP  Myanmar) document the process. Both describe it as an adaptation, one in which large, centralised scam compounds are giving way to more scattered units. GI-TOC similarly notes that scam centres in Southeast Asia have become highly adaptive and mobile; once targeted, they temporarily suspend operations in one place before moving to smaller, less visible locations and other jurisdictions. By way of example, the Irrawaddy reported that Qingsong Park, also known as Thai Hoa Garden, was rapidly redeveloping at a site hidden in hills five kilometres from the original KK Park and is now protected by the BGF. People who photographed the site from inside are reportedly called it “KK Park 2.0.” AP noted that more than 200 African workers from KK Park were moved into the nearby Apollo compound.  Another observer said that people who stayed at Hengsheng Park 4 later moved on, with many reportedly heading to Cambodia, Mauritius and Africa. He added that his company was still using Starlink terminals; although three stopped working after SpaceX cut service, a fourth remained functional. In December 2025, Khaosod English/Transborder News carried news that the BGF was accelerating construction of a new scam centre near the Dawna foothills, around 20 kilometres from Shwe Kokko. Karen workers in the area said Chinese investors and network leaders from older compounds had relocated to Tid Ka Taw village, where buildings, water, electricity, internet, roads and accommodation were being rapidly developed. She Zhijiang and the Media Campaign Networks around Shwe Kokko and Yatai also sought to rebuild public support for She Zhijiang. During his detention at Bangkok’s Klong Prem Central Prison, Thai media carried stories about more than 3,000 Myanmar residents gathering at Shwe Kokko Yatai on 10 August 2024 to pray for him. The stories appeared in Manager Online, Thai Public Media, Amarin TV, Khaosod and video reports distributed by Nation Online, Asia Morning, and JKN. Some material linked back to the YouTube channel 大美亚太 (“Beautiful Yatai”), which publishes content from Shwe Kokko New City. The stories carried a similar message: that he was the founder and benefactor of Shwe Kokko Yatai, a city-builder whose investments had replaced muddy roads and huts with lights and modern buildings, creating jobs and improving the lives of tens of thousands of people. The reports also claimed that Shwe Kokko Asia Pacific City had little to do with KK Park scam operations.  Instead, the narrative emphasised community gratitude for his role in economic development. Headline: “More than 3,000 Myanmar residents join a major merit-making event in Shwe Kokko to send moral support to ‘She Zhijiang’.” Published as a public-relations item on Amarin TV’s website, 23 August 2024. A video news item sending prayers and encouragement to She Zhijiang, founder of Shwe Kokko New City, published on Nation Online’s YouTube channel on 22 August 2024. The Yatai-Shwe Kokko Telegram channel posted news and images on 14 August 2024 from an event sending moral support to She Zhijiang. Source: Telegram 缅甸克伦邦省水沟谷市亚太城. Public relations efforts were also conducted over Telegram. On 14 August 2024, the channel 缅甸克伦邦省水沟谷市亚太城, or “Yatai City, Shwe Kokko, Karen State, Myanmar,” (https://t.me/yatai8), which published news, activities and announcements for the Yatai project and had around 1,267 followers, posted images and news of a “moral support” event for She in both Chinese and Burmese.  The reports carried the same message: prayers for She’s safe return and for Yatai-Shwe Kokko to be prosperous, stable and peaceful. The channel stopped posting on 10 October 2025, shortly before the operations in KK Park and Shwe Kokko and She’s extradition to China. Another channel, 亚太文娱综合频道 (“Yatai Culture and Entertainment Channel”), which claimed to cover “diverse life in Yatai” through sports, music, photography, reading and community activities, stopped posting on 12 November 2025. It is not clear whether Yatai-Shwe Kokko created new channels or moved to other platforms. Other Chinese-language Telegram groups around Myawaddy remained active, however. Grey Telegram networks around Myawaddy Our reporters followed 33 Telegram chat groups linked to business networks along the Thai-Myanmar border. These included Thai-language groups for some 600 or so Thais working in Myanmar’s Myawaddy and Tachileik areas; a Burmese-language job group about Myawaddy and other parts of Myanmar with some 5,200 members and a Chinese-language chat group that carried “Yatai gossip” (吃瓜).  With around 5,000 members, this latter platform was used to discuss work and life around Myawaddy and nearby areas. A recruitment post for a “stock admin,” suspected to be a form of online investment-scam work. During late October and early November 2025, when the Myanmar military began the KK Park crackdown, Thai language chat groups continued to post job ads, many inviting workers to move to Poipet, Cambodia. Positions advertised included stock administration, chat administration, line add administration, HR work, deposit-withdrawal accounting and ad-buying/customer-acquisition work. The posts offered salaries, accommodation, meals, travel costs and, in some cases, acceptance of applicants without passports. Job descriptions did not suggest work at legitimate securities brokerages. There was no mention of licences, qualifications or securities firm experience; instead, duties reportedly focused on answering Line chats, managing customers and earning commission based on volume.  Accommodation and meals were promised for those taking positions in Poipet.   While insufficient to prove criminal conduct, the ads raise the possibility that scam networks were recruiting for positions in Cambodia even as their operations in Myanmar were under stress. Thai-language posts also included discussions of selling social-media, advertising and platform accounts, which could support online marketing, fake identities or fraud. It included recruitment for “face-scan” workers to complete KYC verification for bank and TrueMoney accounts, and posts requiring applicants to hold multiple bank accounts and stay at company accommodation for 3-7 days. The description is consistent with mule-account recruitment and identity verification that is used to move money or digital assets. On 30 March 2026, the platform also ran an ad for an “assistant to buy USDT on Binance.” Applicants were asked to use their own Binance and bank accounts to buy and transfer USDT according to instructions, in return for per-round payments. Such arrangements resemble crypto-mule schemes used in scam networks, online gambling and cross-border money laundering. Recruitment post for a “girlfriend-style admin,” a role consistent with romance-scam or pig-butchering operations. On 31 March, the same group advertised “girlfriend-style admin” work near a casino in Poipet, with a salary, commission, free accommodation and food, and no requirement for experience or a passport. The wording is consistent with relationship-building roles used in romance or pig-butchering scams, where workers build trust before pushing victims toward investments or financial transfers. Conversation asking about entering work on the Myawaddy side in June 2026 From mid to late June 2026, job recruitment in the Telegram group remained active, with posts seeking administrators, customer chat operators, deposit-withdrawal staff, and online marketing workers in Myawaddy, Tachileik, and even Pakistan. Many advertisements emphasised free travel, visas, accommodation, meals, no passport confiscation, no detention, and freedom to go outside, suggesting attempts to reassure applicants amid reports of fraud and forced labour in scam compounds. Beyond recruitment, the group also functioned as a marketplace for digital tools and services, including Facebook, TikTok, Telegram, and LINE accounts, advertising accounts, follower and view-boosting services, Telegram bots, phones, and IT equipment. It further featured ongoing trade in bank accounts, including personal and corporate accounts, some bundled with phones, SIM cards, ATM cards, banking apps, and completed identity verification. Our investigation found offers to sell customer databases and personal information, including lists of general customers, high-value customers, and people who had previously been scammed, sometimes with ID copies and trial samples. At the same time, everyday conversations about food, phones, computer shops, kratom drinks, delivery services, border crossings, and transport showed that the Telegram group served not only as a job board, but also as a broader information hub for people working or travelling in border areas. Example of a Burmese-language recruitment post for a “Find Chat” position in Shwe Kokko. Example of a recruitment post for a “US Chatting” position in Shwe Kokko. On Burmese-language chat platforms, most content consisted of repeated job ads rather than discussion. Many posts named “SKK” or Shwe Kokko and used specialised terms such as “Find Chat,” “Finding,” “M1,” “M2,” “Reception,” “Killer,” “First Deposit” and “Second Deposit.” Some ads offered salaries of 20,000-50,000 baht plus commission, set performance targets based on “opening accounts” and US-dollar amounts, and assigned night shifts corresponding to daytime in the Americas. Others recruited “US Chatting” staff or divided work by target countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Mexico, Peru and Colombia.  While the ads do not constitute proof of illegal activity, they do suggest recruitment for online scam operations, in keeping with reports of continued scam operations around Myawaddy.  This was confirmed by Chawanwit Jaikas, a former NGO worker in Mae Sot who monitors cross-border crime.  In an interview with Prachatai, he  claimed that after the KK Park crackdown, call-centre gangs were still operating in Myawaddy and nearby areas, including Phalu opposite Mae Sot. He also said that new buildings were constructed before and after the crackdown, and that movements were visible around Min Let Pan. The claim explains supporting infrastructure discovered by Thai authorities on 5 March 2026 at a border cargo-transit area in Mae Tao, Mae Sot. An investigation was launched after True Corporation detected abnormal 24-hour internet use from two customers registered at the same location. It found that the building had been modified as a relay point sending internet signals across the Moei River into Myanmar under cover of a transport business. Even after KK Park was targeted, infrastructure supporting scam operations along the Mae Sot-Myawaddy border was still functioning. Operations do not appear to have ever really ended.  In late April 2026, the Irrawaddy reported that scammers were returning to Shwe Kokko under BGF/KNA control. Rather than operating openly in the Chinese-built new city, networks were reportedly renting hotels, guesthouses and large houses, scattering workers into smaller groups that were harder to detect. Recruitment that stopped in January reportedly surged again in March. More than five months after promises to clean up Shwe Kokko, there were reports that only a few buildings had been demolished there, belying the junta’s claim to have totally demolished KK Park. Observers described the crackdown as performative; networks simply moved back from the border, reestablishing operations in small residential units. A new centre also emerged in Karen State.  In late April 2026, Saw Chit Thu, a local powerbroker linked to scam zones was given an official peace role there.  Leader of the BGF/KNA forces that control Shwe Kokko, he was appointed chair of the junta’s “peace committee.” Shortly thereafter, in early May, media reports began circulating that a new zone in Shwe Kokko near Saw Chit Thu’s sphere of influence was active.  Its lights are reportedly visible at night, despite earlier reports that the area had been subject to power shortages and military raids. Moving deeper into Myanmar As scam centres along the Chinese and Thai borders came under greater international scrutiny, GI-TOC noted that operators were relocating to more remote parts of Shan and Karen States. Satellite internet and solar panels reportedly allowed operations to function 100-200 kilometres away from border zones. A 2025 study by Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Economics similarly concluded that border-based scam centres were spreading into major cities such as Yangon and Mandalay, southward toward Payathonzu, and northward into southern Shan State - areas sharing one feature: weak or inaccessible law enforcement. This trend was reflected in the Chinese-language “Yatai gossip” group. Aside from discussions, it carried gambling-platform ads promoting USDT deposits and withdrawals, no KYC, no bank-card linkage and no IP restrictions, as well as job ads for customer service, risk management, payments and customer acquisition in online gambling. Some ads claimed work locations in Dubai, Vietnam, the Philippines and Sri Lanka, with brokers handling travel from the Myanmar side. A “fare-collection notice” posted on 20 June 2026; the poster offered a “tea money” reward for information on the person’s whereabouts. Posts on the platform also alluded to transport costs associated with movement of people between Myawaddy/Yatai-Shwe Kokko, Kyeikdon and Payathonzu. On 20 June 2026, one asked members to help locate a man who had not paid for travel on the Myawaddy-Kyeikdon-Payathonzu route, offering “tea money” for information. Others commented that rewards for tracking people were becoming more common. Another suggested reporting the case to an armed group or “village” instead of posting in the group.  One individual joked that an unpaid fare was minor compared with escaping the area. The exchanges suggest a dispute over guide fees linked to moving people between scam-centre zones. A Chinese-language post on 24 June 2026, discussing a person detained by an armed group in Myawaddy. To return to work in the Yatai-Shwe Kokko area, the person was allegedly required to place a 150,000-baht guarantee. On 24 June, another user said a spouse had been detained by an armed group for several days and claimed to have been told that, to return to work in Yatai, the company had to place a 150,000-baht guarantee; otherwise the person would be sent back to Myawaddy within three days. Members said the amount was excessive, although some said they had seen demands of up to 300,000 baht. Others warned that the information might be inaccurate or specific to this paticular case. The same day, a member commented that renting houses or small venues for scam work in Muse, northern Shan State, was risky because many people had been arrested. The user asked whether it would be better to work in Yatai-Shwe Kokko as a “小推推” (xiao tui tui), slang for a frontline chat worker in a scam centre. Families use Telegram to expose locations and names Appeal from the family of a person allegedly tricked into working in a scam centre in northern Shan State, posted on 26 June 2026. The Chinese-language platform was also used by families seeking help for people allegedly trapped in scam centres in northern Myanmar. On 26 June 2026, one family posted about a Chinese man named “Xinxin,” saying he had been tricked by an acquaintance into entering a northern Shan State scam centre and had then fallen out of contact for more than seven days. Xinxin reportedly told his family before going that if he did contact them within seven days, they should publish the names and locations of those involved and seek help. The post identified two alleged scam-centre locations. The first, described as an “old centre” at 21.632789, 98.644178, was said to be in a forested mountain area near the Salween River, holding more than 100 Chinese nationals whose passports and phones had been confiscated and who were forced to commit online fraud. The post alleged violence against those who disobeyed or tried to flee and claimed that two Chinese men who attempted escape had been killed before detainees were moved to a new site deeper in the mountains. The post said Xinxin was currently held near Wan Hai, Kehsi Township, northern Shan State, giving the coordinates 21.981381, 98.282026. It also named alleged operators, brokers and guards, including a man called “A Liang,” said to be around 45 years old from Guangdong, previously active in Laukkai and Mong Pawk . The family offered a 50,000-yuan reward for information or photographs of the named individuals. Google Maps image showing a cluster of buildings in a forested area. Relatives of a person allegedly deceived into scam work identified it as the “old centre” deep in the forest near the Salween River in Shan State. Our investigators checked both sets of coordinates through open-source methods. The first shows a large cluster of buildings in forest beside the Salween River, consistent with the family’s description. The second shows forest and farmland with no permanent building visible. Both are in Kehsi Township, Mong Hsu District, northern Shan State. Current information is insufficient to determine whether the alleged centres are under the protection of the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) or any other ethnic armed group. Reports from other sources also point to expansion into Myanmar’s interior. Workpoint Today cited experts in December 2025 saying scammers had dispersed into Yangon, Mandalay and southward to Payathonzu. ISP-Myanmar reported more than 75 new scam centres across 34 townships, including relocations from border areas into central Shan State and cities such as Yangon and Mandalay. ASPI Strategist added that such cities provide empty office buildings, internet access and weak law enforcement - all the industry needs. Arrests outside Myawaddy support this assertion. In March 2026, Myanmar authorities raided the International Hotel in Tachileik, eastern Shan State, arresting 393 foreigners - 297 Chinese, 57 Vietnamese, 38 Malaysians and one Filipino.  They also seized 174 computers, nine Starlink devices and 233 phones. [26] In April, forces raided areas near Tangyan, northern Shan State, and Regina Hotel in Tachileik, arresting suspects and seizing cash and equipment. Another forest raid in Tachileik detained 126 people, most of them Chinese, and seized many Starlink devices. By May 2026, evidence of scam group movement in the Shan State was even clearer. The junta reported the arrest of more than 110 Chinese scammers in Laikha, Mong Pan and Matman in northern Shan State. In eastern Shan State, arrests in Tachileik since March brought the cumulative number of Chinese suspects above 500; the Irrawaddy counted more than 1,300 Chinese suspects detained across Mongyai, Kunhing, Laikha and Tachileik since January 2026. Many raids occurred in zones controlled by ethnic armed groups close to China. In early May, the United Wa State Army joined the National Democratic Alliance Army in Mong La to raid scam sites, arrest 78 people and repatriate Chinese nationals. Wa media reported that more than 600 Chinese suspects had been arrested and sent back since April 2026. Relocating out of Myanmar The movement of scam networks outside Myanmar did not begin with the KK Park raid. UNODC’s April 2025 Inflection Point report warned that transnational crime groups in East and Southeast Asia were expanding beyond the region in response to enforcement pressure, with footprints in Africa, South Asia, the Middle East and Pacific islands. A UNODC representative compared the spread to cancer: when authorities suppress it in one area, the roots do not disappear; they migrate. The KK Park operation simply accelerated and widened an existing trend.  Cambodia In early 2026, Thailand’s Anti-Cyber Scam Centre reported a new scam centre in Cambodia after the joint Thai-Chinese-Myanmar operation in KK Park and Shwe Kokko. The new site was said to be in Malai, Banteay Meanchey Province, about 50 kilometres from the Aranyaprathet-Poipet crossing, operated by Chinese nationals with workers including Thais, Indians and Indonesians. Thai authorities said border conflict and instability were pushing gangs away from volatile border areas and deeper into Cambodia. According to AP, Telegram job ads targeting displaced scam workers multiplied. One centre recruiting staff to scam US clients offered remote work, while another seeking people to “search for and talk to customers about cryptocurrency” promised direct flights from Yangon to Phnom Penh for passport holders and “safe travel by car” for those without passports. Thailand was used as a transit route. In January 2026, Thai eastern border forces arrested 16 Myanmar nationals in Aranyaprathet, Sa Kaeo, while they were being smuggled toward Cambodia. They had no passports and said they had been recruited via a Facebook cleaning-job ad offering USD 500 per month. Thai and Myanmar drivers brought them toward the border and charged 12,000 baht each. One of the clearest examples of relocation stemmed from a Cambodian raid on a scam centre in Bavet, Svay Rieng Province, on 31 January 2026. More than 2,000 foreigners were detained, including 1,792 mainland Chinese, 177 Vietnamese, five Taiwanese and 179 Myanmar nationals. Among them was a 27-year-old woman who had worked in a restaurant in Myawaddy, moved to Mandalay after Myanmar’s October 2025 crackdown, and then was tricked by a broker with a Chinese-interpreter job paying more than USD 900. She was taken through Thailand into Cambodia on 21 December 2025 and forced to scam Japanese victims. Testimonies also show Cambodia scam network links at multiple sites: O’Smach on the Thai border, Venus Casino in Bavet on the Vietnamese border, and Nanhai Hotel in Sihanoukville, all identified by cybercrime monitors and US government documents as sites of trafficking, forced labour and online fraud. Poipet Telegram as a field-information network Our investigators monitored a Thai-language Telegram group of around 8,000 members that presents itself as Poipet’s urgent-news group, its slogan “if something happens, report it immediately.” Its administrator told members not to post about services and warned that links to other groups would be banned. The administrator further noted that the group was designed to serve as an information space for people living and working in Poipet, including job seekers and workers in services, trade, online marketing and grey work. Admin warning members about a crime incident on 17 March 2026. The group carried everyday news, job posts and crime alerts, as well as discussions of checkpoints and police movement. Some members described skills in online marketing, ad buying, video editing and experience marketing gambling, football betting, lotteries and adult content. The posts show a labour market linking ordinary border economies to grey industries. Example of members reporting Cambodian authorities’ inspections in Poipet around 14 June 2026.  During June 2026, when Cambodian police and immigration officials were reportedly inspecting buildings around Poipet, group members tracked the situation hour by hour. They discussed areas such as Holiday, Paragon, Century, Zone 3, Grand, Soi O, Sakia, Diamond and Star Gold. Information was often contradictory: some said officers had entered buildings, others said they were only outside, and still others criticised posts for “spinning” rumours. The exchanges show that people in the area were relying on such groups for real-time field information. A message thanking “the two brothers” who bought food and water for people during a period when they had no support and nowhere to go. The posts also document the effects of the raids. Members asked about short-term lodgings, lost passports, transport, storage and shipping belongings back to Thailand. One thanked two Thai men for buying food and water for those who were “without support and nowhere to go,” reflecting the vulnerability of workers displaced by enforcement operations. A notice seeking a person accused of causing damage to others or to a company.  The platform was not simply for news and employment, however. It was also used to publish accusations and track people. On 19 March 2026, users posted notices seeking individuals accused of injuring co-workers and damaging company resources, in some cases publishing personal data and offering rewards. One alleged that a person had borrowed co-workers’ bank accounts to receive cash transfers, causing Thai police to freeze them, leaving the real owners unable to access their money. A bounty notice found in the Poipet urgent-news group on 29 March 2026. On 29 March 2026, another user posted a bounty notice with a photo, passport image and the personal data of a target. It offered 3,000 USDT for information, 10,000 USDT if the person’s limbs were broken, and 50,000 USDT if the person was killed. The poster also suggested reposting the information in “guarantee groups” and claimed that an escrow would be used to secure the bounty.  Irrespective of the outcome, the post shows that Telegram chat groups were occasionally being used for intimidation and illegal dispute management. Admin warning members about “black business”: “Think carefully. How many lives have already ended this way?” The group also shared warnings about financial fraud. On 24 March 2026, the admin posted screenshots of a conversation between a deceased person’s relative and an online loan provider, with the message: “Sharing this as a lesson. Anyone doing black business, think carefully. How many lives have already ended this way?” Cambodia appears to have become a major destination for networks pushed out of Myawaddy partly because it was already a regional scam hub. Large compounds existed in Poipet, Bavet, Sihanoukville and O’Smach; the country had casinos, buildings and financial infrastructure that could support money laundering; and grey Chinese capital and local power relations were already entrenched. When Myanmar sites came under pressure, moving into this existing system was faster than building a new base from scratch. Laos The Kings Romans area in Laos’ Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone has also appeared as a destination for relocation. In 2024, Thai police seized scam equipment, including ten Starlink devices, near the Mekong River in Chiang Saen, directly opposite Kings Romans.  Claiming that the scammers had moved from Myanmar to open a new operation there, officials quoted the group’s principle: “if a branch is unsafe, it moves.” In February 2026, Transborder News reported a major crackdown in Kings Romans, with more than 771 suspects from Laos, Myanmar, China and the Philippines arrested. Chinese assistant public-security minister Liu Zhongyi reportedly supervised the operation. Afterwards, grey Chinese operators and trafficking networks scattered around the Golden Triangle SEZ or crossed into Chiang Saen, Thailand. The crackdown did not end the network; it pushed operations elsewhere in Laos. In early May 2026, Lao police raided scam bases twice in Kaysone Phomvihane City, Savannakhet Province, detaining 605 people from six nationalities in the first raid and another 101 people, all Thai nationals, in the second. Laos may not match Cambodia in scale, but Kings Romans illustrates why it can absorb relocated operations: it has casinos, buildings, utilities, weak state reach and a strategic position at a three-country border. Africa and elsewhere According to AP, scam workers in Myanmar heard that compound owners planned to move to Cambodia, Mauritius and Africa. GI-TOC later identified China-linked networks shifting toward Africa, with operators formerly active in Cambodia and Myanmar establishing bases there. Since late 2024, Nigerian and Ghanaian authorities have raided scam sites involving Chinese and Southeast Asian nationals, while smaller operations have been found in Zambia, Uganda, Eswatini, Angola and Egypt. INTERPOL’s “Red Card 2.0” operation from December 2025 to January 2026 also targeted online-fraud networks in African countries, arresting 651 suspects, seizing 2,341 devices, and taking down more than 1,442 domains and servers linked to losses of more than USD 45 million. The pattern suggests that the Southeast Asian scam-compound model is spreading into regions with weak law enforcement. Thailand Thailand functions less as a destination for large scam compounds than as a transit route, staging point and support environment. Stronger law enforcement and military presence make the establishment of  large compounds here more difficult.  Whether cases originated in Thailand are came from scam operation relocation, the frequency of arrests suggests that online-fraud activity in the region did not diminish. Rather, it changed form and dispersed.  In December 2025, for example, Thai tourist police arrested a smuggling network moving Chinese and Malaysian scam workers who were fleeing Myanmar’s crackdown through Mae Sot toward a third country, and arrests inside Thailand continued during the Myawaddy crackdown: houses and condominiums used as scam bases, cross-provincial smuggling and mule-account networks were repeatedly targeted. Initially, Thailand was one of the frontline states, alongside China, in pressuring Myanmar scam networks. Chinese pressure intensified after Chinese actor Wang Xing was abducted to KK Park in early 2025, provoking outrage online in China. Liu Zhongyi, China’s assistant minister of public security, visited Thailand and Myanmar personally and became the first senior third-country official allowed to cross the Mae Sot-Myawaddy border since Myanmar’s 2021 coup.  In February 2025, Thailand cut electricity, internet and fuel supplies to five Thai-Myanmar border areas, including Myawaddy, Payathonzu and Tachileik. This was part of a broader push, led by then-interior minister Anutin Charnvirakul, to assure that Thailand did not support illegal activities in the country. As a part of this effort, it banned the export to Myanmar of 12 categories of goods, including mobile phones and electrical equipment - measures some media called the most decisive action Thailand had ever taken. The pressure was subsequently eased, however.  Assistant Professor Nuttakorn Vititanon of Chiang Mai University, a scholar of scam networks in the Mekong region and a researcher on Chulalongkorn University’s online-crime policy project, told Prachatai that political incentive declined after scam compounds in Myanmar shifted from targeting Thailand to elsewhere, especially mainland China. Another factor was border security, which has long involved complex relationships between the Thai military, ethnic armed groups and local cross-border economic interests.  When local communities in Karen, Mon and Shan States faced rising fuel prices due to Thai export restrictions, armed groups and scam networks in Myanmar responded by monopolising domestic fuel supplies.  Within weeks, Thailand resumed exports. To address the problem, Tower of the GI-TOC argues that international actors, particularly frontline states, need to shift from targeting individual compounds or countries to focusing on the broader criminal networks involved. For Thailand, this means tackling the problem along all its borders simultaneously. An approach that shifts pressure from Myanmar to Laos and then Cambodia merely encourages criminal groups to relocate across borders and diversify their operations across different locations. eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-08-28 - 13:00 * Feature * Myawaddy * KK Park * Scam center * Myanmar (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 28/08/2026
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Constitutional Court to rule on ballot barcode case on 28 September
Constitutional Court to rule on ballot barcode case on 28 September The Constitutional Court will deliver its verdict on 28 September in a case concerning ballot barcodes in the 8 February general election, which allegedly revealed voter identities and how they voted. If it rules that the barcodes and QR codes violated the Constitution, the 8 February election could be declared void. Several news outlets reported that the Constitutional Court conducted a closed-door witness examination on Wednesday (26 August) in a case in which the Court was asked to rule on whether the ballot design violated the constitutional principle of ballot secrecy. The case stems from 22 complaints about controversial barcodes on ballot papers, which were forwarded to the Constitutional Court in March. The witnesses in the hearing included Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) Secretary-General Sawaeng Boonmee, two other ECT officials, and two individuals from printing companies.  On Thursday (27 August), the Constitutional judges conducted an on-site inspection of the venue where the ballot papers, ballot stubs and other relevant materials were kept. The verdict will be delivered on 28 September. Meanwhile, Sawaeng said he was confident that printing the barcodes on the ballot papers does not violate the Constitution. Thailand’s 2026 general election faced multiple concerns over electoral transparency, one of which involves controversial barcodes on ballot papers. The ECT, as an independent entity allocated over 7.8 billion of taxpayers’ money to stage the election, has come under close public scrutiny. Concerns over ballot secrecy arose following the discovery of unique barcodes and QR codes on ballot papers, which could be used to reveal how each voter cast their votes. When scanned, the barcode on each ballot showed a unique number. Ballot papers for party-list MPs carried a barcode at the bottom, while ballots for constituency MPs had QR codes both at the bottom and on the ballot stub.  The public concern was raised that each ballot paper was assigned a unique running number, as it was found that each of the 20 ballot papers in a booklet carried a different number and corresponded the one on the ballot stub. Each ballot paper could therefore be scanned to connect it to its ballot stub which contained the numbers of the eligible voters listed for each constituency. This would make it possible to identify the voter who completed each ballot paper and which MPs or parties they voted for. The ECT argued that the barcodes were used to track the polling stations where the ballots were distributed, and so would help prevent ghost voting and electoral fraud. It admitted that the barcodes could be traced back to the ballot stubs, but reiterated that they were included to allow investigation and maintain transparency. The ECT also sued several citizens for sedition and membership of an unlawful secret society after they attempted to decode the QR codes printed on the ballot papers to demonstrate a lack of transparency in the 2026 general election. eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-08-28 - 12:35 * News * 2026 General Elections * Ballot secrecy * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) * Constitutional court (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 27/08/2026
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Cartoon by Stephff: Thai mission to the moon
Cartoon by Stephff: Thai mission to the moon Cartoon by Stephff: Thai mission to the moon eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-08-28 - 00:05 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 27/08/2026
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Cartoon by Stephff: Thailand tightens gun control
Cartoon by Stephff: Thailand tightens gun control Cartoon by Stephff: Thailand tightens gun control   eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-08-28 - 00:00 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 27/08/2026
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Cartoon by Stephff: Nonthaburi School shooting
Cartoon by Stephff: Nonthaburi School shooting Cartoon by Stephff: Nonthaburi School shooting eng editor 1 Thu, 2026-08-27 - 23:52 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 26/08/2026
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Supreme Court sentences man to prison for royal defamation over FB posts
Supreme Court sentences man to prison for royal defamation over FB posts The Supreme Court today (26 August) ruled to uphold an Appeal Court verdict sentencing Prasong Khotsongkhram, 31, to 2 years and 12 months, or almost 3 years, in prison on a royal defamation charge filed against him over a number of Facebook posts, said Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR). Prasong was charged with royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act for shares and posts made on Facebook between May and June 2021. On 8 July 2021, he was arrested at his home in Lopburi and subsequently held in pre-trial detention for 27 days before being released on bail. The complaint against Prasong was filed by Thitiwat Tanagaroon, who was praised by King Vajiralongkorn for raising a portrait of the late King Bhumibol amidst a 2020 pro-democracy protest. On 12 June 2023, the Taling Chan Criminal Court sentenced Prasong to 6 years in prison, halved to 3 years because he pleaded guilty. On 14 January 2025, the Appeal Court upheld the guilty verdict. Prasong filed an appeal with the Supreme Court, requesting that his sentence be suspended on the grounds that he has to care for his elderly mother. The appeal also notes that, according to a presentence investigation report, Prasong has never been criminally charged, has a permanent residence, and a probation officer believes he should be put on probation instead of imprisoned. The Supreme Court ruled today (26 August) that his sentence should not be suspended because he defamed the King, which is a serious offence. Prasong will be serving his sentence at the Thonburi Remand Prison. His imprisonment brings the number of people currently detained on charges relating to protests and  political expression to 53. Since he was charged with royal defamation, Prasong will not be granted amnesty under the recently enacted amnesty bill for political prosecution, as the bill does not include people charged with royal defamation. eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-08-26 - 15:50 * News * Prasong Khotsongkhram * Section 112 * Royal defamation * online freedom * Thitiwat Tanagaroon (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 26/08/2026
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Thailand’s political amnesty law comes into force, excluding royal defamation cases
Thailand’s political amnesty law comes into force, excluding royal defamation cases An amnesty law has come into force aimed at exonerating those who committed political offences during the past 20 years. The bill excludes charges of royal defamation and violence against the Queen while exonerating terrorism charges.  The political amnesty law, known as the Promotion of a Peaceful Society Act, was published in the Royal Gazette on 18 August after being approved by the upper and lower houses last month. It has now come into force.  The law covers a wide range of political offences between 1 January 2005 and 16 September 2025. This period witnessed political protests by several key groups, from the People's Alliance for Democracy or Yellow Shirts, the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship or Red Shirts, the People's Democratic Reform Committee and the anti-junta movement in 2014 to the youth-led mass protests in 2020. Approximately 6,000 people are expected to benefit from the law.   The eligible offences include terrorism, sedition, offences related to the Firearms Act, the Computer Crimes Act, and the Emergency Decree, but does not cover corruption, offences against life and body and, most controversially, royal defamation. Royal defamation charges carry a sentence of 3-15 years’ imprisonment. By comparison, terrorism, which is eligible for amnesty, is a far more serious offence, as those found guilty could be subjected to capital punishment, life imprisonment, or 3-20 years’ imprisonment.  According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, at least 392 people were charged in 408 royal defamation cases between the 2014 coup and 16 September 2025 (the last day designated for amnesty), while the bill covers 20 years since 2005.  According to statistics compiled by state agencies, a total of 1,493 cases involving royal defamation were brought before the courts between 2005 and February 2024. However, the exact number of individuals involved is not specified, and these figures cover only cases that had already reached the courts. Meanwhile, data from the Office of the Attorney General shows 3,792 cases involving offences against the monarchy (Sections 107-112 of the Criminal Code) were presented to public prosecutors between 2010 and 2023. But these figures do not include cases heard by military courts after the 2014 coup, when the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) ordered that royal defamation cases be tried before military courts. In addition, five detainees face charges of violence against the Queen, an offence which is also excluded from amnesty. According to the new amnesty bill, those under 18 who committed offences which are not eligible for amnesty will be offered rehabilitation before the case is forwarded to the public prosecutor. The prosecutor may then exercise discretion to offer special proceedings instead of criminal prosecution, and may request the court to order the termination of the case if it is already under trial.  However, this provision excludes minors facing royal defamation charges.  The Act establishes a nine-member Peaceful Society Promotion Committee, chaired by the Prime Minister, to determine who and which cases are eligible for amnesty. Paradorn Prissananantakul, Minister attached to the PM’s Office, revealed that before being granted amnesty, every case must be reviewed by the Committee. Committee decisions are binding on all relevant state agencies. The Minister and Permanent Secretary of the Justice Ministry, the Permanent Secretary of the PM’s Office and the Secretary-General of the National Human Rights Commission will also be included as ex officio Committee members. Three more members will be appointed as experts in law, human rights, and criminal proceedings, each of whom will be approved by the House of Representatives Coordinating Committee, the opposition parties, and the Council of University Presidents of Thailand. A final appointed member, approved by the House Speaker, will be an expert in civil society organisations specialising in conflict management. The Committee will be constituted and hold its first meeting within 30 days after the bill comes into force. Senator Tewarit Maneechai observed that the Senate Ad Hoc Committee reviewing the bill left room for politically motivated cases that are not eligible for amnesty to be given more lenient conditions for serving their sentence. Such measures cover a wide range of practices, including detention in separate facilities or house arrest.  The Senator noted that the Committee may make a recommendation to the Justice Minister or the Director-General of the Corrections Department. He also insisted that such measures will help promote a peaceful society for those disqualified from amnesty.  eng editor 3 Wed, 2026-08-26 - 11:42 * News * Amnesty Bill * Royal defamation * Section 112 * lese majeste * political prisoners (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 25/08/2026
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Disabled protester given suspended sentence for royal defamation
Disabled protester given suspended sentence for royal defamation Thiramet (last name withheld), a 23-year-old intellectually disabled protester, has been found guilty of royal defamation for a TikTok video and given a suspended sentence of 1 year and 6 months. The Phatthalung Provincial Court today (25 August) sentenced him to 3 years in prison. His sentence was reduced to 1 year and 6 months because he pleaded guilty. The Court also suspended his sentence for 2 years because of his disability. Thiramet was charged with royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act for allegedly posting a TikTok video of himself sitting on a portrait of the King. The complaint against him was filed by Songchai Niamhom, head of the ultra-royalist King Protection Group. Songchai is a known serial royal defamation complainant who has filed at least 19 royal defamation and sedition complaints against activists and social media users with the police in several southern provinces. Many of the accused do not live in the south and so are forced to shoulder the burden of travel costs when having to attend court appointments. The complaint against Thiramet was filed in Phattalung. In May 2023, human rights lawyer Anon Nampa, who was representing Thiramet, petitioned the police to have the inquiry officer in Phattalung come to meet Thiramet since it is difficult for him to travel due to his disability. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) reported that an inquiry officer met him in August 2023 at a police station in Leoi, where he was living at the time. Afterwards, he has to travel to Phattalung almost 10 times for court appointments. He needed assistance for each trip as he could not travel alone. The defense requested that the court send him for psychiatric evaluation. Between September - November 2025, Thiramet was admitted to the Galya Rajanagarindra Institute. A psychiatrist ruled that he is fit to stand trial but should be closely monitored due to his disability. eng editor 1 Tue, 2026-08-25 - 15:30 * News * Section 112 * Royal defamation * online freedom * Person with disability (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 24/08/2026
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Detained activist for royal defamation goes on fifth hunger strike
Detained activist for royal defamation goes on fifth hunger strike A detained pro-democracy activist, who has been prosecuted for royal defamation, is on his fifth hunger strike demanding the right to bail.   Promsorn Veerathamjaree is facing a total of six royal defamation cases, with two cases now before the Supreme Court and two in the Appeal Court. Most of the cases stem from his speeches at pro-democracy protests. According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, he has gone on hunger strikes five times.  The activist went on his first hunger strike in 2021 after he was detained during the inquiry stage for the royal defamation case in which he threw dog food at an image of King Vajiralongkorn, demanding the release of a pro-democracy activist. That hunger strike lasted for 19 days from 18 March to 5 April 2021.  His second hunger strike started on 26 April 2021 after he was still denied bail. At the same time, many detained political prisoners also began hunger strikes after being denied bail. In May 2021, the Appeal Court granted him bail following five requests. His second hunger strike lasted 15 days, ending after being released on 11 May. In August 2021, Promsorn, together with nine other activists, were arrested after a protest demanding the release of members of the activist group Thalufah. He was denied bail and went on hunger strike on 15 August 2021, during which he was hospitalised at the Corrections Hospital for COVID-19. His third hunger strike ended on 23 August 2021. In this case, Promsorn was released on 15 September 2021.  The fourth hunger strike began on 10 March 2026 after the Appeal Court denied him bail in the case in which he threw dog food at the King’s image on 14 January 2021. He also demanded that amnesty be granted to those who faced royal defamation charges. This time, he consumed only water. The Supreme Court denied him bail twice on the grounds that he posed a flight risk. Meanwhile, he insisted that his family needed to be taken care of. On 19 March, he ceased the hunger strike due to concerns over deterioration in his health.  The latest hunger strike began on 1 July after the Supreme Court denied his fourth bail request. This time, Promsorn insisted that he wanted to leave prison to take care of his parents, who have health conditions. This fifth hunger strike has entered its 50th day, the longest he has ever been on.  The indictment inthe royal defamation case, which prompted his latest hunger strike stated that he threw dog food at an image of King Vajiralongkorn displayed above the name sign of Khlong Luang Police Station, which was seen as a symbolic insult implying that the police were dogs and the King was the owner of the dogs. The Court of First Instance sentenced him to five years and eight months in prison. However, the term was reduced to two years and ten months in prison following his guilty plea. Promsorn was released on bail pending appeal. On 9 March, the Appeal Court denied bail and ruled to uphold the initial verdict and sentence.  eng editor 3 Mon, 2026-08-24 - 12:03 * News * Royal defamation * Section 112 * lese majeste * Promsorn Veerathamjaree * right to bail * hunger strike (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 22/08/2026
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Detention of monarchy reform activist deemed arbitrary by UN Working Group
Detention of monarchy reform activist deemed arbitrary by UN Working Group In an opinion adopted on 20 May, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) deemed the imprisonment of Thai monarchy-reform activist Sopon “Get” Surariddhidhamrong arbitrary, finding that his detention resulted from the exercise of rights protected under international human rights law. The Working Group called on Thailand to immediately release Sopon, provide him with an enforceable right to compensation and other reparations, and take steps to remedy the laws and practices that contributed to the violations of his rights. The opinion concerns Sophon’s prosecution under the royal defamation law, or Section 112 of Thailand’s Criminal Code, which carries a penalty of 3 - 15 years in prison. He is one of many activists and protesters prosecuted under this law during and after the student-led movement of 2020, in which protesters publicly demanded constitutional and institutional reform, including discussion of the role of the monarchy. Sophon was a member of the pro-democracy activist group Mok Luang Rim Nam and participated in demonstrations calling for political and monarchy reform. His prosecution under Section 112 arose from speeches delivered at political demonstrations. He is currently detained pending appeal and repeatedly denied bail. By 2026, he has been found guilty of royal defamation in 4 cases and is facing a combined prison sentence of 10 years. The opinion was issued after Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), a pro-bono lawyer network representing pro-democracy activists and protesters, and Human Rights Foundation filed a petition with the WGAD stating that Sopon is being arbitrarily detained and that he did not receive a fair trial. The WGAD found Sopon’s detention arbitrary because it was connected to the peaceful exercise of fundamental rights and in violation of international human rights laws. It deemed protest speeches calling for monarchy reform to be an exercise of rights protected under Article 19 the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Thailand is a state party. Meanwhile, being a member of a youth activist group peacefully campaigning for abolition of the royal defamation law is an exercise of rights protected by Article 20 of the UDHR and Articles 21 and 22 of the ICCPR. The Working Group noted that it has always maintained that detaining individuals under the royal defamation law is arbitrary as it is related to an exercise of freedom of expression. Although the Thai government has said several times that the royal defamation law is intended to protect members of the Royal Family, the Working Group does not think that this is a legitimate reason to restrict freedom of expression. The WGAD ruled that Section 112 does not specify which kind of action constitutes royal defamation, which goes against the Principle of Legality and is in violation of several articles in the UDHR and the ICCPR, making detention under the law arbitrary. It noted that officers arresting Sopon did not properly explain to him which of his actions was an offense, and that his arrest warrants only state that there is evidence he has violated the royal defamation law. After being arrested on 1 May 2022, he was taken to the Narcotics Suppression Bureau (NSB) headquarters, although his case was not under the jurisdiction of the NSB. Although Sopon was granted bail before his trial, he was not allowed to leave his residence. The Working Group also found this to be arbitrary detention. The WGAD stated that it is likely Sopon was detained for dissenting political opinion as a human rights defender and member of an activist group that call for monarchy reform and legal reform. The UN finding is not an isolated criticism of Thailand’s use of Section 112. The Working Group reached a similar conclusion in 2024 in the case of human rights lawyer and monarchy-reform activist Anon Nampa, finding his detention arbitrary because it resulted from the exercise of freedom of expression and because serious fair-trial concerns compounded the violation. Anon is currently held in detention pending appeal and is facing around 31 years in prison for several counts of royal defamation and other charges. In 2021, the Working Group likewise found the detention of Anchan Preelert, who had been imprisoned under Secrion 112 and the Computer Crimes Act, arbitrary and said that the legislation underlying her detention violated international human rights law. Anchan was sentenced to 43 years and 6 months in prison on 29 counts of royal defamation for sharing and uploading clips on social media of an online talk show that allegedly made defamatory comments about the monarchy. She was released in August 2025, after becoming eligible for early release under a Royal Pardon Decree issued in July 2025. She spent 8 years, 4 months, and 19 days in prison. The Human Rights Committee has also previously called on Thailand to revise Section 112. In its 2017 concluding observations, the Committee expressed concern about the sharp increase in prosecutions and detentions under the lèse-majesté provision and urged Thailand to bring Section 112 into line with Article 19 of the ICCPR. The Committee specifically recalled that detention for exercising freedom of expression violates the Covenant. UN special procedures have raised similar concerns. In 2011, the Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression urged Thailand to amend its lèse-majesté provisions, warning that vague definitions and lengthy prison terms could encourage self-censorship and restrict public debate. The UN Human Rights Office has also documented cases involving arrests and detention under Article 112. In May 2017, OHCHR called on Thailand to end arbitrary arrests and detentions of political activists, including two men arrested under the lèse-majesté law for criticism of the king on Facebook. OHCHR noted concerns that the men had initially been taken to an undisclosed location and that some detainees had lacked access to lawyers and family members. The pattern has continued beyond the cases examined by the Working Group. UN special procedures have issued communications concerning individuals prosecuted under Section 112, including a 2025 communication regarding youth human rights defender Niraphorn Onkhao, in which the UN  Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders and other UN experts said the prosecution appeared connected to her human rights work and exercise of freedom of expression. eng editor 1 Sat, 2026-08-22 - 21:55 * News * Sopon Surariddhidhamrong * UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD) * arbitrary detention * Royal defamation * Section 112 (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 20/08/2026
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People’s Party MP faces defamation suits over Senate selection collusion probe
People’s Party MP faces defamation suits over Senate selection collusion probe MP Parit Wacharasindhu from the opposition People’s Party faces defamation suits after exposing alleged collusion in the 2024 Senate selection process.  Parit revealed that he faced at least three defamation lawsuits, filed against him by Deputy Prime Minister Songsak Thongsri, Minister Attached to the PM’s office Suksomrauy Wantaneeyakul, and Senator Sorachat Wish Suwanprom. Parit asserted that the investigation was based on evidence and reason, and the presented evidence clearly distinguished between verified facts, information that could be confirmed, questions requiring clarification, and opinions or hearsay from sources. He was sure that his intention to investigate for the public interest would protect him if the cases go to court. The lawsuits stem from the MP’s investigation into the Senate selection, allegedly involving politicians in the ruling Bhumjaithai Party (BJT). Parit held public seminars and invited eyewitnesses, mostly unsuccessful Senate candidates, to provide information about the scheme. It is widely believed that the ruling BJT dominates the Thai parliament’s upper house. The incumbent Senate has been in office since 2024 after a controversial and complex self-selection process in which vote-rigging has been alleged. Over one-third of Senators, known as Blue Senators after the BJT colour, are believed to be closely tied to the ruling party. The Senate collusion case has been perceived as the biggest stain on the ruling party. The Senate selection collusion case has recently been in the spotlight as the opposition party and iLaw have periodically released evidence, exposing the scheme’s methods, those allegedly involved, and financial transactions. The general public is also keeping an eye on whether the 229 allegedly involved in the case will be prosecuted.  PM Anutin Charnvirakul and eight other high-profile figures also threatened to file defamation lawsuits against iLaw Director Yingcheep Atchanont for linking them and the ruling party to the scheme with Suksomrauy actually filing a case.  Legal proceedings over the Senate selection collusion began during the administration of former PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra of the Pheu Thai Party. The investigation was believed to be the underlying reason behind the BJT’s departure from the government coalition, although the party publicly cited the leaked "uncle clip" as the reason for its withdrawal. Earlier, the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) accepted the case as a special money laundering case.  The EC also formed its 26th investigative subcommittee, which recommended prosecution of 229 individuals, 138 of whom are now the incumbent senators.  The then Justice Minister Tawee Sodsong revealed that the DSI identified approximately 7,000 individuals, including unsuccessful and elected candidates.  In addition, several former Senate candidates sought witness protection from the DSI, claiming that they had been threatened not to testify in the case.  After Anutin became PM in September 2025, one of the witnesses reversed his testimony, asserting that no vote-rigging took place in the 2024 Senate selection process. He also said that he had been pressured to give false testimony against the BJT. Later, several other witnesses reversed their testimonies.  In December 2025, the DSI decided to pursue prosecutions against only eight individuals from the original 229.  Notably, the 26th subcommittee’s recommendation was overturned by the EC’s 36th subcommittee, which was formed to continue the case. This back-and-forth has stirred uproar over the EC’s handling of the case and its internal decision-making.  The EC is currently reviewing the case based on the information from both subcommittees, and it is expected that it will decide by the end of this month whether to refer the case to the prosecution. This has led to public concerns that the EC will decide not to pursue the case. eng editor 3 Thu, 2026-08-20 - 13:10 * News * Parit Wacharasindhu * Senate election 2024 * Senate collusion * Bhumjaithai Party (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 18/08/2026
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More deadly shootings expose gaps in Thailand’s gun control
More deadly shootings expose gaps in Thailand’s gun control Thailand’s gun-control measures have been under scrutiny following two deadly shootings within a week. As the government has moved to tighten control measures, the incidents highlight how the country with the highest number of privately owned firearms in Southeast Asia regulates access to guns. On 7 August, Thailand witnessed a deadly mass shooting at a school in Nonthaburi which killed nine people, including a 12-year-old student. Three days later, former MP Chalong Riewrang opened fire in front of a government building in Nonthaburi, killing Pol Col Thongchai Yenprasert, the President of the Nonthaburi Provincial Administrative Organisation.  Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul swiftly responded to the incidents by announcing a halt to new gun permits and a ‘welfare gun’ scheme. The PM also ordered tighter gun controls, while the ruling Bhumjaithai Party is preparing to revise the law within 60 days. The highest number of privately owned firearms in Southeast Asia The Small Arms Survey estimates that civilians in Thailand possess around 10.3 million firearms, the highest estimated gun stock in Southeast Asia and the 13th-highest in the world. However, only 6 million are registered, leaving an estimated 4 million unregistered. A study by Ramkhamhaeng University’s Faculty of Law stated that between 2016 and 2019, around 91,000 criminal cases were recorded involving unregistered firearms. The figure was significantly higher than the 25,000 cases with registered firearms. This highlights another key issue concerning access to firearms in Thailand. Meanwhile, the World Population Review revealed that at least 2,400 people in Thailand were killed by gun violence each year between 2020 and 2023. The welfare gun scheme is also seen as a key issue in gun access in Thailand.  It is open to government officials in Thailand, such as law enforcement officers, allowing them to purchase guns at a discounted price. A welfare gun, unlike government-issued firearms, becomes privately owned once purchased. However no regulation requires these firearms to be returned to the state once gun owners cease to be government officials. Ownership of a welfare gun cannot be transferred until 5 years after the licence is granted. After that, it can be resold. Some officials have reportedly taken advantage of the scheme by purchasing firearms and later reselling them at higher prices on the black market. Analayo Korsakul, a security, military and weapons expert, wrote on his Facebook page that the welfare gun scheme has effectively operated like a ‘gun convenience store’ which creates opportunities for making profit through resale. He argued that the scheme significantly contributed to the number of illegal firearms.  It is also common for Thai politicians and influential figures to own guns. Many cabinet members and politicians have included guns in their asset declarations. Suchart Chomklin, the Minister of Natural Resources and Environment , owns 12. One female MP from the ruling party has 48 guns, while another MP has declared 40. Gaps in Thailand’s gun control Thailand’s major law concerning gun control is the Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, Fireworks and Imitation Firearms Act 1947. There are three main licences governing gun ownership in Thailand: a licence to buy, a licence to use, and a licence to carry firearms.  According to the law, no one can make, purchase, have, use, order or import firearms or ammunition unless a licence to purchase is granted by the local registrar. Meanwhile, to use a firearm, one has to be granted a licence to use. With only a licence to use a firearm, carrying a firearm in public remains illegal unless a separate licence to carry is granted. A licence to purchase is valid for six months after it is issued, so the purchase must be completed within that period. A licence to use has no expiration date, while a licence to carry has to be renewed every year. Government agencies under the Interior Ministry are assigned to handle gun ownership. In order to request a licence to purchase a gun in Thailand, an individual must be at least 20 years old and demonstrate that the firearm is intended for purposes such as self-defence or sport. However, Thailand lacks effective measures to track guns and reassess the qualifications and psychological fitness of gun owners.  Deputy Prime Minister Pakorn Nilprapunt revealed that licensing approval is still handled through a paper-based system. Information on the import, distribution, possession and transfer of guns has not been systematically linked. As a result, when a problem arises, the officials will have to check the relevant information manually. Do gun-control measures in Thailand really work? At the 11 August cabinet meeting in response to the latest incidents,  PM Anutin immediately halted the issuance of the three main gun permits and suspended the welfare gun scheme.  A nationwide review of licences to purchase firearms will be conducted. Officials are to verify the number of outstanding licences that have not yet been used to purchase firearms.  In the long term, the government is considering a requirement that the licence to carry a gun be renewed every three years in order to reassess the qualifications of those who have a licence to use.  The government will move to revise the current law, linking real-time data with the Customs and Revenue departments, strengthening firearm identification and dealer oversight, and increasing penalties for those who violate the law.  The government is also considering a possible amnesty to encourage people who have unlicensed guns to return them to the state.  However, some of these measures are not new. Following the Nong Bua Lamphu mass shooting in 2022, in which an ex-policeman opened fire at a daycare centre and killed at least 37 people, most of them children, , the government tightened measures on firearms licences. In 2023, a 14-year-old boy opened fire at Siam Paragon shopping mall, leaving three people dead. The government, with PM Anutin as the then Interior Minister, suspended issuing new licences to carry a gun for one year.  Earlier this year, the government once again suspended the issuance of licences to carry a gun in an effort to maintain public order.  These repeated incidents suggest that Thailand’s gun-control problem may not lie solely in the absence of strict regulations but in what happens once firearms are in circulation.  eng editor 3 Tue, 2026-08-18 - 12:18 * Feature * gun control * Mass shooting (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 14/08/2026
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Former Australian diplomat Katrina Cooper chairs Thailand-Cambodia maritime conciliation under UNCLOS
Former Australian diplomat Katrina Cooper chairs Thailand-Cambodia maritime conciliation under UNCLOS Former Australian diplomat Katrina Cooper has been appointed as the chair of the compulsory commission to resolve the Thailand-Cambodia maritime dispute. The first meeting is expected to be held in September 2026.  Katrina Cooper, Australia's Deputy Secretary at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, has been appointed as the chair of the commission in conciliation proceedings between Thailand and Cambodia, according to the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA)’s press release. In addition, the PCA will act as the Registry in the proceedings for this case. She has also been a Deputy Secretary at the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, responsible for national security and international relations. Cooper has represented Australia in a wide range of roles, including as G20 Sherpa to Prime Minister Albanese (2021-22) and as Ambassador to Mexico (2008-12). She was Deputy Head of Mission at the Australian Embassy in Washington during President Trump’s first term (2017-21).  According to the Thai Foreign Ministry, Cooper is a former diplomat and well-regarded international lawyer. She possesses extensive knowledge, expertise, and experience in international law and negotiation.  She previously served as Co-Agent of the Australian Government in the world's first compulsory conciliation proceedings over the maritime boundary dispute between Australia and Timor-Leste, which reflected her direct and relevant experience for the discharge of these duties. Cooper is also currently serving as Australia's special envoy for the Greater Sunrise Project, facilitating high-level bilateral talks between Australia and Timor-Leste regarding the development in the Timor Sea gas fields. The compulsory conciliation is one of the maritime dispute resolution processes under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The conciliation was initiated by Cambodia on 2 June to resolve the long-standing Thailand-Cambodia maritime dispute. On 19 June, Thailand then submitted its response to the notification of conciliation. The process involved a third party called ‘a conciliation committee,’ which consisted of four conciliators appointed by both countries and a chairperson who is selected by the four appointed conciliators.  Cambodia named French academic Jean-Marc Thouvenin and Danish diplomat Peter Taksøe-Jensen as its conciliators, and appointed Foreign Affairs Minister Prak Sokhonn and Lam Chea, Minister in charge of the State Secretariat of Border Affairs, as its Agent and Deputy Agent.  Taksøe-Jensen was also the chair of the conciliation commission to resolve a long-running maritime border dispute between Australia and Timor-Leste from 2016 to 2018. Meanwhile, Thailand named Judge Albert J. Hoffmann of South Africa and Judge Rüdiger Wolfrum of Germany as its conciliators. Both are former Presidents of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea and are highly respected in international law. Thailand also appointed Sihasak Phuangketkeow, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister, and Songchai Chaipatiyut, Ambassador to Kuwait, as Agent and Deputy Agent for the conciliation proceedings. After the chair of the conciliation commission was appointed, the Commission will determine the date of the first meeting, which is expected to be held in September 2026. The Key agenda for the first meeting will include consideration of the Rules of Procedure, which will establish the rules and framework for the Commission’s work and serve as guidance for subsequent meetings and related proceedings. Typically, the commission will take approximately 12 months to complete the report and recommendations, but could extend depending on the relevant parties.  Notably, the commission’s recommendations will not legally binding, and the outcome will not result in either a loser or a winner. Both Thailand and Cambodia will have to enter into bilateral talks based on the recommendations in order to reach an amicable solution.  eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-08-14 - 23:30 * News * Thai-Cambodian conflicts * Thai-Cambodia relations * Thai-Cambodian maritime disputes * Cambodia * United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea * Katrina Cooper (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 09/08/2026
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Activists protest Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to Thailand
Activists protest Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to Thailand Photos by Ginger Cat On 6 August, activists and civil society groups staged a protest near Government House against the visit of Myanmar president and junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to Thailand. In the evening of 6 August, activists attempted to display protest banners in front of the Office of the Public Sector Development Commission (OPDC), opposite Government House. However, they were blocked by police officers from leaving the OPDC. The police also displayed banners claiming that Phitsanulok Road is within the 50-metre radius around Government House where protest is prohibited. Two activists wore masks of Min Aung Hlaing and Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and staged a performance in which they ate cake and spoke about the splitting of benefit between the two leaders and the water pollution in the Kok River from rare earths mining in Myanmar. Around them, other activists scattered pictures of the river, people, and internally displaced persons to show the effects of the 2021 Myanmar coup. The two activists said that inviting Min Aung Hlaing to visit Thailand does not solve problems in Myanmar or the effects felt in Thailand. By inviting Min Aung Hlaing, the Thai government disregarded the problem facing the people, from water contamination to airstrike in Myanmar and Thai investment in business relating to the Myanmar military. If leaders do not listen to the people, it is difficult to achieve peace and normalcy. At around 18.40, activists put up a banner saying “We don’t welcome the criminal Min Aung Hlaing” on the side of Phitsanulok Road, opposite Government House where Thai and Myanmar leaders were reportedly meeting. The police then made a warning through a megaphone, ordering the activists to move out of the area. After the activists put the banner away, the police warned them to stay inside the OPDC or they will be charged. eng editor 1 Sun, 2026-08-09 - 11:44 * News * Min Aung Hlaing * Myanmar (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 09/08/2026
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Civil society demand safety for political prisoners
Civil society demand safety for political prisoners Civil society groups gathered at the Ministry of Justice on Friday (7 August) to call on the authorities to protect political prisoners. The groups delivered a letter from human rights lawyer Anon Nampa, who is detained pending appeal on several counts of royal defamation and is facing around 31 years in prison. The letter, dated to 5 August and published on Anon’s Facebook page, stated that, in late July, the Bangkok Remand Prison decided to separate royal defamation detainees and hold them in different blocks. Anon wrote that this led to safety concerns. He alleged that, in 2021, unknown officials tried to abduct activists detained at the time. He also wrote that, since 18 May 2025, political prisoners were being pressured into petitioning for a royal pardon by officials claiming to represent “a higher-up”, but the detainees refused. After the Bhumjaithai government came into power, prison executives were replaced. Attempts to separate the detainees then began. He alleged that a royal defamation detainee held in another block was attacked by other prisoners for not standing for the Royal Anthem, which is played twice a day in the Bangkok Remand Prison. The attacked detainee was later moved to the Bang Kwang Central Prison, a maximum security prison that is the site of the men’s death row. Anon wrote that, although being held together does not guarantee safety for political prisoners, it means that if anyone is assaulted or murdered, the rest would tell the world about it. At the Ministry of Justice, participants began arriving in the morning. At around 10.20, participants wore a mask of Anon’s face and placed a blue bird cafe as a symbol. They read out a statement and submitted a petition to the Ministry of Justice, demanding that political prisoners must be held together unless there is a legis safety reason. Representatives of human rights organizations, lawmakers, detainees’ family members, and other relevant agencies must be allowed to visit prisons to check the detainees’ wellbeing to ensure transparency and trust. They also called for a concrete safety measures for detainees.  eng editor 1 Sun, 2026-08-09 - 09:23 * News * Anon Nampa * political prisoners * Bangkok Remand Prison (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 05/08/2026
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How Thailand’s Refugee Detention System Evades Accountability Ahead of UN Human Rights Review
How Thailand’s Refugee Detention System Evades Accountability Ahead of UN Human Rights Review As Thailand prepares for its next Universal Periodic Review (UPR) before the United Nations Human Rights Council in November 2026, human rights advocates warn that the country continues to rely on legal ambiguities and weak enforcement mechanisms that leave refugees vulnerable to arbitrary detention, torture, and forced return despite existing legal safeguards. On 11 June, Fortify Rights called on the Thai government to immediately end the arbitrary arrest, detention, torture, and forced return of refugees, arguing that Thailand’s upcoming UPR review will test whether authorities have genuinely implemented commitments made during previous review cycles. Thailand is serving as a member of the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025 – 2027 term. Meanwhile, it faces growing international criticism over its treatment of asylum seekers, including refugees from Myanmar and Uyghurs deported to China despite warnings from UN experts that they could face torture upon return. Concerns have also been raised over the deportation of activists, among them UN-recognised refugees. Anti-Torture Law Meets Immigration Detention Reality Thailand's Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act, which entered into force in 2023, was widely praised as a landmark reform intended to strengthen protections against torture and refoulement—the forced return of individuals to countries where they face serious harm. However, legal experts and rights groups argue that implementation remains weak, and accountability mechanisms are ineffective. While the law formally prohibits state officials from returning individuals to places where they risk torture or enforced disappearance, immigration detention practices continue to operate within a largely separate administrative framework. Refugees and asylum seekers are routinely detained under immigration laws because Thailand still lacks a comprehensive refugee protection system and has not acceded to the 1951 Refugee Convention. This legal gap creates what advocates describe as a "gray zone" in which immigration detainees remain outside many of the oversight mechanisms envisioned under the anti-torture legislation. Human rights organizations have repeatedly argued that immigration authorities exercise broad discretion with limited judicial scrutiny, making accountability difficult when allegations of abuse emerge. Detention Without Recognition According to Fortify Rights, Thailand's National Screening Mechanism (NSM), introduced as a protection framework for people fleeing persecution, has produced limited results. Although Thai authorities highlighted the mechanism during previous international reviews, only a handful of individuals reportedly obtained protected status during the first year after implementation. The organization further noted that several vulnerable groups remain excluded from the process, including many Rohingya refugees and Myanmar nationals holding migrant-worker documentation. As a result, thousands of people fleeing armed conflict and persecution continue to face the possibility of arrest and detention as undocumented migrants despite seeking protection. For refugees from Myanmar, the situation has become increasingly urgent as violence continues following the 2021 military coup. More than three million people have been displaced inside Myanmar, while tens of thousands have sought refuge across the Thai border. Forced Returns Raise Questions of Accountability Concerns over Thailand's treatment of refugees have intensified following a series of high-profile deportation and detention cases that human rights organisations say illustrate persistent failures to uphold the principle of non-refoulement. Despite adopting new legal safeguards against torture and enforced disappearance, authorities have continued to detain and, in some cases, return individuals to countries where they face credible risks of persecution, torture, or other serious human rights violations. The most widely criticised case occurred in February 2025, when Thai authorities deported 40 Uyghur asylum seekers to China after more than a decade in immigration detention. The deportation prompted condemnation from the UN Human Rights Chief, human rights organisations, and several foreign governments, all of which warned that the individuals faced a substantial risk of arbitrary detention, torture, enforced disappearance, and other forms of ill-treatment upon their return. Human Rights Watch described the removals as a clear violation of Thailand's obligations under both international law and its own Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act, which prohibits returning individuals to places where they are likely to face torture or enforced disappearance (Human Rights Watch, 2025). Concerns have also centred on the treatment of Y Quynh Bdap, a Montagnard human rights activist and UN-recognised refugee. Thai authorities arrested him in Bangkok in 2024 following an extradition request from Vietnam, despite repeated warnings from UN experts and rights organisations that returning him would expose him to politically motivated prosecution and possible ill-treatment. In late 2025, Thai authorities deported Bdap to Vietnam, where he had previously been sentenced in absentia on terrorism-related charges that supporters argue were politically motivated. Human rights organisations have also documented the prolonged immigration detention of several Chinese dissidents and asylum seekers in Thailand while authorities considered deportation requests from Beijing. Rights groups argue that these cases demonstrate how immigration detention can function as a mechanism of prolonged pressure and uncertainty, leaving refugees vulnerable to forced return despite international protection concerns. Taken together, these cases have reinforced broader concerns ahead of Thailand's 2026 Universal Periodic Review. Rights organisations argue that allegations of unlawful deportation and refoulement rarely result in independent investigations or meaningful accountability for officials involved in detention and transfer decisions, raising questions about whether Thailand's legal safeguards are being effectively implemented in practice. International Pressure Builds Before November Review For refugees from Myanmar, the situation has become increasingly urgent as violence continues following the 2021 military coup. According to the United Nations, more than three million people have been internally displaced by armed conflict, airstrikes, and widespread human rights violations, while many others have fled to neighbouring countries, including Thailand, in search of safety. Despite these protection needs, many Myanmar nationals who cross into Thailand remain classified as irregular migrants rather than refugees because the country lacks a comprehensive asylum system. Consequently, they face arrest, prolonged immigration detention, and the risk of deportation, even when they are fleeing persecution or armed conflict. For advocates, the key question is no longer whether Thailand possesses the necessary legal tools to prevent torture and unlawful returns. Instead, they argue, the issue is whether authorities are willing to apply those protections consistently within immigration detention systems that continue to operate with limited transparency. As international scrutiny intensifies ahead of November's review, the experiences of refugees held in Bangkok's immigration detention facilities may become a critical measure of whether Thailand's human rights commitments extend beyond diplomatic statements and into everyday practice. eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-08-05 - 16:09 * Round Up (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 04/08/2026
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Thailand in damage-control mode after deadly attacks threaten to derail the peace process
Thailand in damage-control mode after deadly attacks threaten to derail the peace process Royal Thai Army Chief of Staff Gen Chaiyapruek Duangprapat, did not mince words. Visiting Narathiwat the day after six Barisan Revolusi Nasional Melayu Patani (BRN) combatants gunned down five Paramilitary Rangers at close range, he warned: “Those who provide hiding places, and any country that provides hiding places, should know that we will pursue them to the ends of the earth.” He told the perpetrators to watch their backs when they eat, sleep, or walk. “The time has come for you to become the hunted.” The July 22 ambush, in which gunmen riding in the back of a pickup truck opened fire, also wounded six civilian bystanders, including a three-year-old girl and a ten-year-old boy. It came just 24 hours after a car bomb tore through the Khao Tanyong police station in Narathiwat’s Muang district; the driver jumped clear before it detonated.  Footage of the Rangers being shot spread rapidly on social media, triggering both public outrage and renewed criticism of the armed forces’ enormous budget, which critics say has done little to change the course of the conflict. Chaiyapruek, already known for his hard line on the Cambodia border dispute, stopped short of naming Malaysia as a possible haven for the gunmen. But given the scale of media attention, his remarks read as much as a soundbite for public consumption as a statement of policy. For a military establishment more accustomed to being at the receiving end of guerrilla-style, hit-and-run tactics, the July 22 killings were a humiliation.  “This was not your average hit-and-run incident. The insurgents took the fight to us and took out our troops,” said one Thai military intelligence officer who spoke on condition of anonymity.  In response, the government paused high-level official talks and demanded that BRN explain the spike in violence just as the peace process appeared to be gaining momentum. Long-time observers say the demand was less a genuine search for answers than a face-saving measure for a military caught off guard; whatever BRN says in their reply will almost be beside the point. Bangkok is buying time and managing optics while the public calls for revenge, even as talks at the technical level between BRN and Thai officials continue. BRN supporters say there is no need for the movement to “overreact or get bent out of shape” over the demands from the Thai side.  Instead, a counter demand from BRN includes opening up the cultural space in Patani to accommodate Malay identity and language and scrapping the Southern Economic Corridor (SEC) project, in exchange for a temporary cessation of violence (TCOV) — the centrepiece of the current horse-trading. This message was also passed through the Chair of the Prime Minister’s advisory board, Wan Muhamad Noor Matha, during a recent meeting in Jakarta. BRN has for years consistently signalled openness to a reduction in violence provided certain conditions are met, including international and local monitors on the ground.  Complicating matters today, a BRN negotiation-team official said, is the fact that Malaysia’s current facilitator is on his way out, with a replacement, expected to be a retired general, yet to be named. For Bangkok, the transition came in handy as it provides a convenient excuse as to why a pause is needed.  In response to the July 22 daring attack, the Army abruptly reversed its recent posture of security relaxation, invoking the Martial Law Act across Narathiwat and granting security forces the authority to search vehicles and homes linked to separatist elements without a warrant.  A monkey wrench from within If the Army’s response was aimed outward, the peace process had already been damaged from within even for the July 21 car bomb and the July 22 killing of the five Rangers. Three days before Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s two-day official visit to Malaysia on July 9-10, Defence Minister Lt Gen Adul Boonthamcharoen was quoted by Isra News questioning whether the government needed to talk to BRN at all.  “The government has no business talking to the BRN,” Adul said, before appearing to contradict himself in the same breath: “And we will not elevate the status of the dialogue any more than necessary” — suggesting he is aware of the process but unhappy with it. The timing could hardly have been worse. Anutin was due in Kuala Lumpur to meet his counterpart Anwar Ibrahim and discuss, among other things, conflict resolution in Patani. Adul’s comments were, by several accounts, humiliating for the prime minister, and indirectly gave BRN a measure of justification for the violence that followed.  It remains unclear whether Adul’s scepticism was connected to a mystery caller who separately telephoned Isra News claiming to be a BRN commander in Narathiwat, offering to surrender more than 100 combatants in exchange for an Army withdrawal from the “area.” One veteran observer suspects the call was a ploy by the old guard of the Fourth Army Area, resentful at being replaced by commanders from the Second Army Area, and was meant to provoke their replacements — who, the observer said, kept their cool. Adul’s own rebuttal of Chaiyapruek — noting that BRN combatants are also Thai nationals and that dialogue remains the best option — drew a harsh reaction on social media, forcing a teary-eyed defence minister to clarify he had been misunderstood.  “Thai officials tend to contradict one another when it comes to the conflict in Patani. This is because the government doesn’t have a comprehensive strategy that unites all the key agencies and ministries,” said Artef Sohko, President of the political action group, The Patani. Thailand’s domestic politics has long held the peace process hostage, and official talks — which began back in 2013 — have proceeded in fits and starts ever since. But observers agree the biggest spoiler has always been the military, many of whose generals believe that talking to the rebels unnecessarily legitimizes them.  “It was the army who refused to accept that the conflict is political in nature and insisted all along on using military means to crush the insurgents,” Artef said.  Artef and The Patani have often acted as the go-between for the BRN, Thai government agencies, Malaysia and members of the international community working on conflict resolution. His group was instrumental in getting the BRN to declare a unilateral ceasefire during the COVID-19 pandemic in response to the request from the UN Sec-Gen António Guterres to halt violence on the ground to give safe passage to health workers. Today, Artef is facing legal charges for promoting separatism.  ISOC in hot water, left and right Running parallel to the negotiating track is a long-running battle over the narrative. Two decades ago, when the current generation of separatist militants resurfaced, they were dismissed by officials as “sparrow bandits.”  Even after BRN combatants made off with roughly 400 pieces of military weaponry in the January 2004 Narathiwat arms heist, officials for years continued to portray them as drug-crazed youths following a distorted interpretation of Islam. Today, as Adul’s comments suggest, the same scepticism persists even as the government keeps sending officials to have what it insists on calling “conversations,” rather than negotiations. Overseeing much of this narrative battle is the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), nominally a civilian-chaired body under the Prime Minister’s Office but reliant in practice on the armed forces’ logistics, intelligence networks and personnel; in the far South, the ISOC officer and the RTA officer in the same district are often the same man wearing two hats.  ISOC’s information operations have long targeted local activists and human rights defenders who press security agencies for accountability, and it denies wrongdoing. But on June 11, Thailand’s Court of Appeal ordered ISOC, the Office of the Prime Minister and the Army to pay a combined 210,000 baht to Senator Angkhana Neelapaijit and Anchana Heemmina, founder of the Duay Jai human rights organization, over online posts spreading false information about them.  During recent debate over the 3.788-trillion-baht Fiscal Year 2027 budget, lawmaker Wan Muhamad Noor Matha called on the government to scrap ISOC as redundant, citing a failed assassination attempt on Narathiwat MP Kamonsak Leewamoh in which the weapon, personnel and vehicle involved reportedly belonged to ISOC — a charge that ISOC denies. Its campaigns, which began in the far South, have since expanded to target student-led reformist movements and, most recently, critics of the military’s Cambodia border policy. Positive signs, fragile gains For all the turbulence, the underlying negotiating architecture had, until recently, been moving in an encouraging direction under the National Intelligence Agency’s director, Thanut Suvarnananda. His team moved quickly to enlist an international NGO to facilitate discussions between Thai generals and their Indonesian and Philippine counterparts — officers experienced in the Aceh and Mindanao peace processes — while a second INGO has been facilitating talks between Thai officials and BRN negotiators, with Malaysian facilitators taking part.  Thailand is separately weighing a BRN request to release some detainees as a goodwill gesture, a TOR for public consultation is being drafted, and the negotiating team plans to bring Thai civil society organizations to Malaysia to meet BRN leaders, with talk of allowing some to observe the official negotiations.  The Army’s absence from the negotiating table has arguably made it easier for the two sides to reach agreements. But implementing any deal without the Army’s buy-in would be difficult. According to an informed source, the Army is considering opening a separate back channel through former Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla, reflecting a long-standing desire among Thai security agencies to speak directly with BRN’s military leadership. International best practice, however, does not allow Thailand to pick and choose its interlocutors; BRN selects its own representatives, and Thailand will have to learn to work with that. Whether that lesson sticks may depend less on the negotiating table than on what happens next in Narathiwat. With the Army bristling over its most humiliating loss in recent memory, the coming weeks will test whether Thailand’s civilian and military tracks can speak with one voice — or whether, as Artef put it, they will simply keep contradicting each other.  Don Pathan is a Thailand-based security analyst focusing on conflict in Myanmar/Burma and insurgency in Thailand’s far south. eng editor 3 Tue, 2026-08-04 - 14:40 * Opinion * Deep South * insurgency * Narathiwat * Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 03/08/2026
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Cartoon by Stephff: Thailand-Myanmar talks
Cartoon by Stephff: Thailand-Myanmar talks Cartoon by Stephff: Thailand-Myanmar talks eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-08-03 - 14:40 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 03/08/2026
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HRW demands investigation into threat against Deep South parliament members, activist
HRW demands investigation into threat against Deep South parliament members, activist The Thai authorities should immediately take effective measures to protect the prominent members of parliament Angkhana Neelapaijit and Romadon Panjor and the human rights defender Anchana Heemmina, all of whom have been facing online death threats and attacks, Human Rights Watch said on Friday (31 July). On July 31, 2026, Angkhana, a senator and former member of Thailand’s National Human Rights Commission, filed a complaint with the Bangkok police under the Computer-Related Crime Act that numerous posts on social media accused her of being unpatriotic and sympathetic to the separatist group Barisan Revolusi Nasional (National Revolutionary Front or BRN). Some posts said she should be killed or disappeared. Similar disinformation and hate campaigns were posted on social media against Anchana, founder of the Duay Jai human rights group, and Romadon, a member of parliament from the opposition People’s Party. “The Thai authorities should urgently and impartially investigate online attacks, including death threats, against Angkhana, Anchana, and Romadon, who have been widely recognized for their work defending human rights in Thailand’s deep south,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Those responsible for serious threats should be brought to justice, regardless of their affiliation, to demonstrate Thailand’s commitment to protecting human rights defenders.” Online attacks against Angkhana, Anchana, and Romadon have intensified since the insurgent attack in Ra Ngae district, Narathiwat province, on July 22 that killed five soldiers and injured six civilians. Some of the abusive social media posts come from accounts allegedly affiliated with the Thai government’s information operations. In June, the court of appeal ordered the Internal Security Operations Command to pay Angkhana and Anchana compensation for damages caused by smear campaigns. People who speak out for human rights in Thailand’s deep south—the predominantly Muslim Malay provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat, plus Songkhla—where the Thai government has fought the BRN insurgency since January 2004, face grave dangers, Human Rights Watch said. Online attacks appear to have led to real life violence. In March 2004, Angkhana’s husband, human rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit, was abducted and his body has never been found. Substantial evidence implicated a group of police officers, who allegedly sought retaliation for Somchai’s involvement in lawsuits regarding widespread police torture of Muslim suspects in the deep south. Over the past 22 years, there have been numerous attacks, including harassment, threats, assaults, enforced disappearances, killings, and unjust prosecutions targeting human rights defenders in the deep south. None of these cases have been successfully resolved by the Thai authorities, including the assassination attempt on Kamonsak Leewamoh, a Muslim member of parliament and prominent human rights lawyer in Narathiwat province in April 2026. The authorities issued arrest warrants for three former military personnel. Human Rights Watch stated in its submission to the 53rd session of the United Nations Universal Periodic Review of Thailand’s human rights record, scheduled for November, that successive Thai governments have failed to uphold their obligations to ensure human rights defenders can carry out their work in a safe and enabling environment, in line with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. In November 2025, UN human rights experts expressed concern about reports of death threats and online attacks against Angkhana and the Human Rights Watch Thailand senior adviser Sunai Phasuk as a result of their comments regarding possible international humanitarian law violations during the Thailand-Cambodia border conflict. Thailand became a member of the UN Human Rights Council in 2025 and is expected to “uphold the highest standards in the protection and promotion of human rights.” Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul should commit to addressing attacks on human rights defenders and ensure that complaints of threats and harassment are swiftly and independently investigated. The Thai government should send a clear message that threats of violence will not be tolerated, Human Rights Watch said. “Concerned governments and UN agencies should press Prime Minister Anutin to hold accountable those who threaten or attack human rights defenders,” Pearson said. “Thailand should show the world that it has earned its UN Human Rights Council membership.” eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-08-03 - 13:31 * Pick to Post * Human Rights Watch (HRW) * Angkhana Neelapaijit * Anchana Heemmina (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 31/07/2026
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Election Commission put on the spot as Senate collusion case escalates
Election Commission put on the spot as Senate collusion case escalates The crisis over Thailand’s Senate election collusion has entered a critical phase after Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and eight other high-profile figures have threatened to file defamation lawsuits against the iLaw director for linking them and the ruling Bhumjaithai Party (BJT) to the scheme. As the legal battle intensifies, the Election Commission (EC) faces public scrutiny over whether it will refer this high-profile case for prosecution. It is widely believed that the ruling BJT party dominates the Thai parliament’s upper house. The incumbent Senate has been in office since 2024 after a controversial and complex self-selection process which vote-rigging has been alleged. Over one-third of Senators, known as Blue Senators after the BJT party colour, are believed to be closely tied to the ruling party. The Senate election collusion scandal reached a tipping point after iLaw director Yingcheep Atchanont submitted information to the opposition People’s Party on 21 July, requesting an investigation into the issue. According to iLaw, the Senate election collusion allegedly involved at least nine high-profile individuals, most of them cabinet members.  The nine individuals included PM Anutin, Deputy PM Songsak Thongsri, Transport Minister and Deputy PM Phiphat Ratchakitprakarn, Ministers Attached to the PM office Paradon Prissananantakul, Napintorn Srisunpang and Suksomrauy Wantaneeyakul, Government Chief Whip Korrawee Prissananantakul (Paradon’s brother), BJT MP Phichai Chomphuphon, and former Deputy House Speaker Supachai Phosu, who is now banned from politics for life.  On the same day, PM Anutin and the ruling party announced that it will pursue full-scale defamation lawsuits against Yingcheep.  iLaw also spearheaded an online signature campaign calling for the elected Constitution Drafting Assembly, a proposal which requires at least 50,000 signatures. The campaign also calls for any new constitution drafted by the CDA to be approved by a two-thirds majority of the assembly itself, rather than by parliament.  This condition is part of attempt to prevent the BJT party from using the so-called Blue Senators to control the content of the new Constitution. The BJT Party’s move seems to have backfired. Following the legal threat, the number of signatures doubled overnight and surpassed 100,000. This surge is also seen as placing pressure on the Election Commissioners’ decision whether to pursue legal proceedings against those involved in the Senate election collusion.  The first defamation lawsuit against the iLaw director was filed by Suksomrauy. It is believed that the other eight individuals will file separate cases as well, and causing Yingcheep to have to travel up and down the country to defend himself. Observers have warned that such lawsuits could be considered SLAPP suits.  The iLaw director revealed that he was prepared to enter the judicial system, adding that PM Anutin should explain the matter to the public, rather than file a lawsuit. He also asked the media and general public to keep an eye on the main case, rather than the retaliatory lawsuits, which he believed were intended to divert public attention from the bigger issue. From unprecedented election process to alleged vote-rigging The label ‘Blue Senators’ is not solely a matter of public perception but is based on several irregularities that have been detected.  The selection process involved elections by candidates only (not the general public). Candidates registered by social and professional groups and senators qualified through both intra- and inter-group elections through a multi-level voting system at the district, provincial, and national levels.  This unprecedented election process is viewed as the most complicated ever, potentially leading to rigging concerns. iLaw found that voting results were irregularly clustered and were linked to provincial-level political influence. At the national level, dozens of candidates did not receive any votes, not even voting for themselves. Notably, these candidates were from the provinces dominated by the BJT party. In addition, identical voting patterns were observed in several cases. Small provinces known as BJT strongholds also have a disproportionately large number of successful senators. It is obvious that since the senators assumed office, 120-130 of them have repeatedly voted in a bloc on multiple parliamentary motions, particularly the first motion to vote for the Senate president. The successful candidate, Mongkol Surasajja, a former Governor of Buriram Province with strong ties with the Bhumjaithai Party, received 140 more votes than the runner-up. The saga of the Senate collusion case The legal proceedings over the Senate election collusion began during the administration of former PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra from the Pheu Thai Party. The investigation was believed to be the underlying reason behind the BJT’s departure from the government coalition, although the party publicly cited the leaked "uncle clip" as the reason for its withdrawal. Earlier, the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) accepted the Senate election case as a special money laundering case.  The EC also formed its 26th investigative subcommittee, which recommended prosecution of 229 individuals, 138 of whom are now the incumbent senators.  The then Justice Minister Tawee Sodsong revealed that the DSI identified approximately 7,000 individuals, including unsuccessful and elected candidates .  In addition, several former Senate candidates sought witness protection from the DSI, claiming that they had been threatened not to testify in the case.  After Anutin became PM in September 2025, one of the witnesses reversed his testimony, asserting that no vote-rigging took place in the 2024 Senate election. He also said that he had been pressured to give false testimony against the BJT party. Later, several other witnesses reversed their testimonies.  In December 2025, the DSI decided to pursue prosecutions against only eight individuals from the original 229.  As the government changed, so did the direction of the investigation. Former Deputy PM and Chair of the DSI Board of Special Cases Phumtham Wechayachai and former Justice Minister Tawee became sitting ducks targeted by a group of senators who were accused of vote-rigging in the 2024 Senate election.  The group of senators filed a petition with the Constitutional Court, alleging that Phumtham and Tawee interfered with the DSI investigation. However, the Court ruled that they were not guilty as alleged, and both had already left office after the BJT became the ruling party. The legal battle continues as the senators also filed a complaint with the National Anti-Corruption Commission, seeking an investigation into both former ministers and other members of the DSI Board of Special Cases for malfeasance.  Notably, the 26th subcommittee’s recommendation was overturned by the EC’s 36th subcommittee, which was formed to continue the case. This back-and-forth has stirred uproar over the EC’s handling of the case and its internal decision-making.  The EC is currently reviewing the case based on the information from both subcommittees, and it is expected that it will decide by the end of August whether to refer the case to the prosecution. It led to public concerns that the EC will decide not to pursue legal proceedings. The iLaw Director reiterated that the vote-rigging scandal was not merely a series of allegations, noting that his information came from the witnesses who had testified to the DSI. Some of these witnesses also spoke publicly about how the collusion occurred. The financial transactions related to the scheme were also exposed.  Opposition People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu stated that there are three ways in which the EC may proceed with the case:  1. Endorse the findings of its 26th investigative subcommittee and refer all 229 individuals to the court.  2. Dismiss the case as recommended by the 36th subcommittee. 3. Refer only some of the accused to the court. The MP said the third scenario is likely, and urged the public to closely monitor the EC’s decision to prevent the masterminds from escaping accountability. The EC’s seven commissioners are now under intense public scrutiny as they hold the authority to decide whether the case should be referred to the court. Whether public sentiment will ultimately shape the outcome of this case remains to be seen. eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-07-31 - 13:19 * Feature * Bhumjaithai Party * Anutin Charnvirakul * Senate election 2024 * Senate collusion * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) * Yingcheep Atchanont (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 27/07/2026
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Cartoon by Stephff: Singing in Beijing
Cartoon by Stephff: Singing in Beijing Cartoon by Stephff: Singing in Beijing eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-07-27 - 17:00 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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Prachatai English @prachataienglish.com · 24/07/2026
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Two activists remain jailed after courts deny bail in multiple protest cases
Two activists remain jailed after courts deny bail in multiple protest cases Two pro-democracy activists, who are detained while facing multiple protest-related charges, have been denied bail in the cases related to two protests in 2020, despite having previously been granted bail in a separate case concerning a 2021 protest. At this point, both of them are required to wear an EM ankle bracelet while detained in prison. Prominent activists Jatupat Boonpattararaksa and Atthapol Buapat have been imprisoned since 8 September 2025 on royal defamation charges over protest speeches they made in front of the Phu Khiao Police Station and Phu Khiao School in Chaiyaphum on 1 February 2021, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights. On 11 March, the Supreme Court granted them provisional bail following multiple bail requests in this case. However, they remain in prison in connection with other royal defamation charges where they have yet to be granted bail. They were initially detained at the Phu Khiao Prison and later transferred to the Bangkok Remand Prison to face trial in other cases. On 16 July, the two activists were taken to the Phu Khiao Prison to be fitted with EM bracelets in accordance with the Phu Khiao Provincial Court order in the case in which they were granted bail in March. On 17 July, their lawyer filed fresh bail requests for other lawsuits after repeated denials by the courts.  Jatupat faces another royal defamation charge and is currently on trial. He was also charged with violating the Emergency Decree, for which he was sentenced to 24 days in prison, and with sedition. In the sedition case, the Court of First Instance sentenced him to two years and eight months in prison. Atthapol faces two additional royal defamation charges: one currently on trial and another for which he was sentenced to three years in prison. He also faces three other charges related to pro-democracy protests, including sedition. The Criminal Court denied bail to both activists in a case arising from a 19 September 2020 protest, and on the same day, the Bangkok South Criminal Court also denied bail to Atthapol in a separate case related to a 26 October 2020 protest.  Both of them will return to the Bangkok Remand Prison to remain in custody while wearing sEM bracelet as required by the Phu Khiao Provincial Court.  eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-07-24 - 11:21 * News * Jatupat Boonpattararaksa * Atthapol Buapat * Royal defamation * Section 112 * right to bail (Feed generated with FetchRSS)
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