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THE GOOD OIL

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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 1h
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Night Cap
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 2h
If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to videos@goodoil.news If you're loving this trusty, straight-up news on Kiwi politics and beyond, why not become a paid member, eh? Unlock exclusive yarns, podcasts, vids, and in-depth analysis—your support keeps […]
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Manly Monday
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 2h
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What's behind the political divide on New Zealand's West Coast?
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 3h
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MAKE BOTH YOUR VOTES COUNT with Maurice Williamson, Penny Marie & Paul Mathews
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 3h
If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to videos@goodoil.news If you're loving this trusty, straight-up news on Kiwi politics and beyond, why not become a paid member, eh? Unlock exclusive yarns, podcasts, vids, and in-depth analysis—your support keeps […]
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Why Two Ticks for National Might Fail: Maurice Williamson’s Guide to the MMP System
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 4h
Just a brief note to readers who like to add their own contributions to Daily Roundup in the comments. This post is for family friendly humour ONLY thank you.
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The Good Oil Daily Roundup
Just a brief note to readers who like to add their own contributions to Daily Roundup in the comments. This post is for family friendly humour ONLY thank you.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 4h
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Good Oil Backchat
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 5h
Welcome to Politically Incorrect Comedy corner: the one place on The Good Oil where you are allowed to read and share naughty and offensive jokes that make us all laugh even though we are not supposed to. If you are offended by these kinds of jokes then please do not read this post.
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Comedy Corner
Welcome to Politically Incorrect Comedy corner: the one place on The Good Oil where you are allowed to read and share naughty and offensive jokes that make us all laugh even though we are not supposed to. If you are offended by these kinds of jokes then please do not read this post.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 6h
Politics should be about fixing, not fiddling. Trump learned the lesson from his father.
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Manhattan Wanted Manners, the Kids Wanted to Skate
Jeff Cunningham Jeff Cunningham, the former publisher of _Forbes_ , is the author of _Lift: The Three Hidden Forces That Launch Remarkable Lives_ (Skyhorse Publishing). Everybody says Nero fiddled while Rome burned. No one says the fiddle was invented 14 centuries later, and Tacitus, in the Annals, writes that the emperor was down the coast at Antium when the fire broke out in Rome during the summer of AD 64. He must have been holding a press conference. Because that is what New York’s leaders did in 1986. Imagine you are out for a stroll in the south end of Central Park in the spring of that year. Carriage horses clopping along the drive, pretzel carts steaming on 59th Street, softball on the Sheep Meadow, and in the middle of it all a padlocked fence around Wollman Rink with a sign: DANGER. NO SKATING. The rink had been closed for repairs since 1980. The job was supposed to take two years. Six years and $13 million later, you’re looking at a cracked concrete slab, a construction trailer that hadn’t moved in six winters, and a puddle. The richest city in America, a town that could chill oysters for a thousand dinners on any Tuesday night, could not do what a Frigidaire does every evening in Levittown. Nobody at City Hall lit the match that set the city on an economic decline. The reputation had sunk so low that an American president had to say no to a bailout: “New York City, drop dead.” Something as simple as fixing an ice-skating rink just didn’t get much attention at City Hall. They hired consultants to ‘assess’ the problem, and the assessment took two years. Then consultants to assess the assessment. It was why Henry J Stern, the parks commissioner, shrugged the most sardonic line right out of Tom Wolfe: “I think this is the classic case of Murphy’s Law.” The comptroller’s office spent 15 months on a report and concluded the problems were “incredibly complex.” That is the sound of a fiddle, and it plays beautifully while fire spreads. **THE VIEW FROM TRUMP TOWER** From his triplex at the top of Trump Tower, Donald Trump could see right into Central Park. The Wollman Rink turned into a splash pad, and it ate at him the way an unpaid invoice eats at an accountant. He was 39, with the Grand Hyatt and Trump Tower already up. “If it took me two-and-a-half years to put up a major skyscraper,” he said. “Surely it was possible to fix an ice-skating rink in a matter of months.” He offered to take the job off the city’s hands for no fee. Stern said no. Two years later the city announced it was starting over, and Trump offered again. “‘No, thanks,’” Trump recalled Stern saying. “‘We can do it ourselves.’” Alan M Moss, who ran capital projects for parks, explained the city would need 18 months, on account of “procedural safeguards.” Trump wrote to Mayor Ed Koch, calling the delays “unacceptable” and the overruns “incompetence.” Pouring a concrete slab, he wrote, “should take no more than four months.” Koch leaked the letters to the press, figuring the town would laugh at the brash kid from Queens. The tabloids laughed at Koch instead. “After the whole six-year multimillion-dollar debacle,” the _New York Post_ wrote, “you would think that they’d be jumping for joy. Not so.” There is an old chess opening called the Queen’s Gambit, first recorded in a Göttingen manuscript around 1490, five centuries before Netflix graciously borrowed the name. In the opening move, White offers a pawn. If Black takes it, White moves two spaces to the center. If Black declines, White is in control. Trump was the pawn. Only in Trump’s case, it’s called the Queens Gambit because nobody raised on the Upper East Side of Manhattan would have thought to play it. Koch finally took his pawn. “Trump thinks he can do it,” he told reporters. “What have we got to lose?” The year before, Bronson Binger, the assistant commissioner who had overseen the mess, had promised a TV reporter the rink would be ready by Thanksgiving. And if not? “I will resign,” Binger said. Then Binger resigned. **WHO MAKES ICE?** “Since I knew absolutely nothing about building rinks,” Trump said, “I set out to find the best skating-rink builder I could. Logic suggested that the best place to look was Canada.” He found the men who kept Maple Leaf Gardens frozen, flew them to New York and unrolled the city’s plans in his office. They winced. “Spaghetti on the floor,” one said, tracing the pipe layout with his finger. The city had gambled on an experimental Freon system to save $20,000 a year. It cost $13 million and six winters. The Canadians said junk the innovation and go back to brine, the same plain technology that froze hockey rinks across their country. Then Trump did the thing Manhattan never forgave. He bragged. Trump set the deadline in public and told every reporter in town when the ice would be ready. The swells heard ego. What they were hearing was a scoreboard. When the whole city knows the date, somebody has to be ashamed if you miss it. He went out to the site nearly every day to make sure nobody would be. Wollman reopened in November 1986, two months ahead of schedule and $750,000 under budget. Dorothy Hamill and Scott Hamilton cut the ribbon. Attendance went from 130,000 in its last season before closing to 250,000 in its first full year back. “I don’t really care about Trump’s ego,” said George Rinaldi, a skater in the crowd. “Anybody who can get anything done right and on time in New York is a bona fide hero.” Even Koch came around. “Donald,” he said, “you performed a great public service.” Then: “I am now renting him out to other cities.” The parks department, still holding meetings about caring, sent its press secretary, Adrian Benepe, out to insist “the project was largely complete by the time Trump entered the picture.” **THE BLACK BOOK IN JAMAICA ESTATES** You cannot understand any of this without Fred Trump. Fred was the son of German immigrants. He started building as a teenager in a company that went out under his mother’s name, E Trump & Son, because he was too young to sign the checks. He kept his payroll in a black book in his inside pocket and drove a Cadillac, not a BMW. “My father would pick up the sawdust and the nails,” Donald told a homebuilders’ convention. “He walked every job before the crews arrived. A supplier who shorted him got one warning. A contractor who missed a deadline didn’t get a second.” By the time Fred died in 1999 he had built housing for middle-class families across Brooklyn, Queens and Staten Island, and the society pages never noticed. He would have liked that. Fred had one measure for his children: results. He told his sons to be killers, his word. Accepting the Horatio Alger Award, he put it plainly. “Nine out of 10 people don’t like what they do. And in not liking what they do, they lose.” It’s what I call Pothole Capitalism in my book, _Lift_. In Queens a truck driver graded a man on one thing, whether the hole was still in the road when he ran over it the next morning. He did not want to hear about budget cycles. He wanted the hole gone. Manhattan ran on a different code. The Harmonie Club crowd wore Paul Stuart. The Queens crowd, the LeFraks and the DeMatteises, wore suits off the rack and didn’t get invited. Which brings us to the hair. Fred had his own version, a reddish wave combed back off the forehead. Donald inherited it, along with the tan and the volume and the bragging. A man with his money could have hired a barber from the Carlyle and a voice coach and passed. He never tried. I spent time with him at Mar-a-Lago, and when his name briefly fell off the Forbes 400 I introduced him to the editors. What struck me was that he had spent 20 years climbing from Queens to the Manhattan skyline and never once tried to hide who he was or where he came from. The hair was the Queens flag. He kept flying it. Most of us spend our careers learning which fork to use in rooms that were never going to let us in. Trump told the room to keep its forks. Then he fixed the thing that was broken in the room. Trump wasn’t the first outsider to tread that ground. In 1857 the city put a 35-year-old journalist named Frederick Law Olmsted in charge of turning a swamp on 59th Street into a park that would belong, as he saw it, “entirely, unreservedly, and forever” to the people. He had no landscape credentials. He and Calvert Vaux built it anyway, blasting rock with more gunpowder than would be fired at Gettysburg. In December 1858 the skating pond opened, and rich and poor crowded onto the same ice. _Harper’s Weekly_ called it “the equalizer of the metropolis.” A century later the same ice was melting. **THE BROKEN WINDOW** In 1982 the criminologists James Q Wilson and George Kelling argued in the _Atlantic_ that one unrepaired window tells the neighborhood nobody is minding the store. Wollman was a broken window in the middle of the most famous park on earth. Seven years after Trump fixed it, Rudy Giuliani won City Hall, and his police commissioner, Bill Bratton, ran the city on the Wilson-Kelling theory. Murders fell from 2,245 in 1990 to 649 in 2001. Tourism surged. The 2000 census counted more than eight million New Yorkers for the first time. The city that couldn’t freeze water had become a model of urban competence. New York City had many saviors. But Trump fixed the first broken window. In public, on deadline, so the world could see how to get results. **THE GOLDEN TRIANGLE** Trace the southern edge of Central Park. Old Money’s temples at 61st and Fifth, the two marble clubs facing off on 60th, the Plaza at 59th, that wedding cake where Fitzgerald set his parties and Capote held court. Those few dozen blocks form a glittering triangle that is some of the most valuable real estate on New York’s Monopoly board. Trump Tower changed the arithmetic of Fifth Avenue. Across his New York projects, three thousand union workers drew paychecks during construction. Then came Wollman, which turned a developer into a civic figure. Then Trump Parc, hundreds of condominiums on the tax rolls. Then the Plaza. Then Trump International at Columbus Circle. Tower, Wollman, Parc, Plaza, International: each one looked like an overreach, and each one paid off. “He made New York real estate visible,” said Mitchell Moss, the NYU urban planning professor. Developers who had never met Trump started thinking the way he thought. Lenders who had been antsy about New York started returning calls. The Queens Gambit had worked. But getting credit for a job well done was another thing. Olmsted got remembered. Trump got erased. That’s an old story. Even Nero got a raw deal on the fire: Tacitus says he raced back from Antium when he learned about it, opened his gardens to the homeless and cut the price of grain. The senators he had humiliated wrote the history, and the fiddle became the myth. The Central Park Conservancy website tells the history of skating in the park and has a photo of skaters on Wollman in 1986. It doesn’t say who made the ice. **THE FIXER** There is no Trump Doctrine in the sense a think tank describes. That is in part why he gets so misunderstood. There is a rule book from Jamaica Estates, about three and a half pages long. #1 Fix the broken thing. #2 Find the man who knows how, even if he’s from Canada. #3 Set the date in public so somebody has to be ashamed if you miss it. #4 And never apologize for who you are, as long as you’re fixing something. That is why he is the most heroic antihero in American public life, a man who does the hero’s job without the manners. Manhattan wanted manners. The kids wanted ice. Every statehouse and federal agency has its Wollman. So does every company and every community. The fiddlers will always have their explanations about how much they care. The question for anyone who runs for office is whether the pothole is still there the next morning. Trump lost a few pawns after Wollman. Atlantic City. The bankruptcies. The headlines. The Gambit is a dangerous opening because sometimes it looks like delusion. But so is not being able to make ice. _Lift_ is available on Amazon: https://www.amazon.com/dp/1510786732.**** This essay is adapted from the chapter “Queens Gambit.” This article was originally published by RealClearBooks and made available via RealClearWire.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 6h
The scandal that almost killed the quiz show genre.
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When Congress Quizzed a Winner
It’s hard to imagine **Grant Denyer** being hauled before Senate Estimates in Canberra, or **Paul Henry** being grilled by a parliamentary select committee at the Beehive. It’s also hard to imagine life without quiz shows (I’ll be honest and admit that I find _Deal or No Deal_ bizarrely compelling). But, back in the ’50s, quiz shows became the subject of Congressional hearings and the entire genre almost disappeared until _Jeopardy!_ revived it in 1964. At the centre of it all was a mild-mannered Columbia academic, a top-rating quiz show and a whole lot of off-camera shenanigans. **Charles Van Doren** was not some common huckster plucked off the suburban streets: he was native royalty to the American academic establishment. His father was a Pulitzer-winning poet who lectured in English at Columbia, his mother was a noted editor and his uncle had collected a Pulitzer for a biography on **Benjamin Franklin**. Young Charles dutifully followed this illustrious path, collecting degrees from Cambridge and a PhD from Columbia before settling into a quiet life of letters. Yet, despite his pristine pedigree and ivory-tower surroundings, he proved remarkably susceptible to the tawdry, flashing lights of early television. At the time, the hit NBC quiz programme _Twenty-One_ was suffering from a distinct malaise. Its reigning champion, a singularly abrasive fellow named **Herb Stempel** with a terrifying sponge memory, had caused ratings to plateau and sponsors to sweat. The producers, **Dan Enright** and **Albert Freedman** , desperately needed a fresh face: someone telegenic, wholesome and eminently sympathetic to rescue their sinking ship. They fastened their gaze upon Professor Van Doren, a man who, by his own later admission, did not even own a television set. > ‘I’ve thought about it, Charlie,’ Freedman said, ‘and I’ve decided you should be the person to beat Stempel. And I’ll help you do it.’ And help him he did, with all the meticulous staging of a Pyongyang military parade. The legendary matches between Stempel and Van Doren were about as spontaneous as a professional wrestling bout. The unfortunate Stempel was ordered to take a deliberate dive by misidentifying the Oscar-winning film for 1955, paving the way for the golden-boy academic to seize the crown. Once installed behind the podium, Van Doren was subjected to rigorous direction. The quiz was not a test of raw intellect, but a masterclass in theatrical suspense. > During his coaching sessions ahead of each episode, Van Doren said that Freedman “would ask me questions, I would answer them – and then he would tell me how to answer them: pause here; add this or that remark aside; always seem to be worried, anxious; never answer too quickly, let suspense build up.” The public, naturally, swallowed the performance hook, line and sinker. Fan mail arrived by the tonne, smitten women staked out his apartment building and _Time_ magazine plastered his mug across the cover under the breathless moniker ‘The Wizard of Quiz’. Before his inevitable defenestration by a rival contestant, Van Doren walked away with a king’s ransom – some $129,000, which represented an absolute fortune at the time – alongside a very comfortable berth as a cultural correspondent on NBC’s _Today_ show. Naturally, when rogues fall out, honest folk get the truth, or in this case, a jilted Stempel blowing the whistle on the entire enterprise. When the inevitable congressional inquiries began to loom, Van Doren initially adopted the time-honored political strategy of complete and utter denial, even retreating into rural hiding to dodge the authorities. But the charade could not hold. When he finally slunk into Washington to face the music, his confession was stark. > ‘I was involved, deeply involved, in a deception.’ The fallout was biblical. Van Doren was promptly cast out of Columbia, dropped by his television paymasters and the wider game show ecosystem collapsed into a heap of smouldering ruins. It took the invention of _Jeopardy!_ in the early ’60s to resurrect the genre from the grave. Van Doren retreated into quiet academic obscurity, spending his later years teaching and editing before passing away in 2019 at the grand age of 93. Perhaps he spent his twilight years pondering the peculiar modern reality that civilisation apparently prefers a well-orchestrated lie to an unvarnished truth. * * * 💡 ****If you enjoyed this article please share it using the share buttons at the top or bottom of the article.****
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 8h
“The power of cute is colonising our world.”
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How They Are Enslaving Us with Smiles
**George Orwell** warned us about the boot stamping on our faces forever, while **Aldous Huxley** fretted that we would simply let ourselves be distracted by trivia until we’d learned to love our chains. Both were right, in their own way. We’ve let ourselves be led into slavery by a Pied Piper purveying cutesy memes and the boot stamping on our faces is in fact a high-heel emblazoned with a rainbow smiley-face. > Something sinister is going on with cuteness. Over the last five years, we’ve seen the sudden appearance of cute Facial ID Recognition surveillance, cute government health messaging, cute military propaganda, cute identity wars and even cute robotic elder care. Beneath all the smiling imagery is a growing phenomenon I call cute authoritarianism. It’s a remarkable psychological sleight of hand. While the traditional visage of despotism featured stern-faced commissars and iron-fisted dictators barking orders from balconies, our modern managerial overlords prefer a softer, pastel-hued tyranny. Big Mother is watching, and she is doing it with a chirpy grin, rounded edges and a bouncy cartoon font designed to soothe the senses of the terminally infantilised citizen. Consider the Orwellian intrusion of facial recognition technology, now cheerfully deployed across our streets, supermarkets and public transport under the benign guise of public safety and frictionless commerce. In places like Britain and the sprawling smart cities of the East, corporations and state apparatuses harvest our biometric data without so much as a polite by-your-leave. Yet, the advertisements pushing these invasive databases are wrapped in the innocuous aesthetics of Silicon Valley’s finest design studios: friendly two-dimensional cartoons that would make a toddler squeal with delight. It is pre-crime profiling dressed up as a community service – a digital panopticon painted in cheerful shades of mint green and butter yellow. > In his 2019 book The Power of Cute, philosopher **Simon May** explains how “the power of cute is colonising our world.” Research shows that the things we find cute are remarkably universal and all feature attributes that are typical of babies: a large head in proportion to the body, shorter limbs, smaller dimensions, rounded shapes, smaller noses and – above all – huge eyes. Our deep biological triggers have been systematically hijacked by corporate marketers and technocrats alike. Remember all the cheery little cartoons urging us to ‘flatten the curve’ and submit to Covidian tyranny? By flooding our field of vision with the universally disarming attributes of infancy – whether it’s a dancing robotic dog designed by military contractors, a cartoon mascot for a draconian municipal tax policy or a recruitment campaign featuring soldiers cuddling kittens – the architects of our compliance induce a comforting dopamine hit. It’s the political equivalent of dangling a rattle before a restless infant, ensuring we remain blissfully passive while our liberties are systematically dismantled piece by piece. This gentle coercion relies heavily on the pseudoscientific art of behavioural ‘nudging’, where unelected bureaucrats in government-funded nudge units deploy subtle environmental tweaks to herd the populace toward approved dogma. Whether it’s manufacturing crippling traffic congestion to force drivers out of their automobiles under the banner of Net Zero, or coercing medical compliance with saccharine holiday messaging, the strategy remains identical: manufacture the illusion of personal choice while ensuring the desired outcome is the only one practically available. Even the totalitarian masters of yesteryear would nod in grim appreciation at this modern refinement. The engineered euphoria of Mao’s Cultural Revolution, where citizens were forced to chant ecstatic slogans beneath cheerful red loudspeakers, finds its contemporary echo in the relentless, faceless joy art of Big Tech conglomerates and corporate human resources departments. > As **Theodore Adorno** , **Clement Greenberg** and **Milan Kundera** have argued, in dictatorships, kitsch is more than just an aesthetic: it is essential to the exercise of totalitarian power, which relies on the superposition of an entirely false world upon the real. As Kundera says, “Kitsch is the absolute denial of shit.” And so we find ourselves navigating a brave new world of enforced merriment and aestheticised obedience. From corporate bureaucracies pushing rainbow-tinted social engineering to government quangos regulating every facet of our daily movement under a banner of benevolent stewardship, the underlying reality remains unchanged. Smile, comply and accept your digital chains. Because they come wrapped in a charming shade of pastel pink and objecting to them would simply be ‘unkind’. * * * 💡 ****If you enjoyed this article please share it using the share buttons at the top or bottom of the article.****
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 8h
It’s on.
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The New Alaska Gold Rush
Duggan Flanakin _Duggan Flanakin is a senior policy analyst with the Committee For A Constructive Tomorrow._ Recent announcements by South Korea and Taiwan that they were open to investing $54 billion and $80 billion, respectively, in a new Alaska pipeline that would transport natural gas from Arctic oilfields along a pathway similar to that of the Trans-Alaska oil pipeline have Alaskans both excited and yet skeptical. They have, after all, been waiting for decades. Should the new pipeline – and new mining projects – come to fruition, by the early 2030s, the 49th state could be in the midst of a new (liquid) gold rush – making the $7.2 million Alaska Purchase, authorized by Secretary of State William Seward, a better bargain than ever. To cartoonists like Thomas Nast, the Alaska Purchase of 1867 was a bad joke – Seward’s Folly. Horace Greeley’s _New York Tribune_ called it “Seward’s Arctic Circus.” A year later, President Andrew Johnson was (unsuccessfully) impeached. While the laughing stopped with the 1896 Klondike Gold Rush, it was the discovery of “black gold” that eventually led to the long-running war against development of Alaska’s vast mineral resources. Even today, the biggest risk factor for investors in Alaskan minerals is political – President Biden illegally canceled Alaska oil and gas leases on his first day in office. Already strong opposition to oil production in Alaska’s North Slope was squelched in the wake of the Arab Oil Embargo of 1973. The long lines for scarce gasoline enabled President Nixon to win passage of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline Authorization Act. By 1977, the 800-mile, 48-inch-diameter pipeline began transporting crude oil from Prudhoe Bay to the Valdez Marine Terminal. As soon as the price of gasoline dropped to pre-embargo levels, anti-development forces – citing “potential” damage to Alaska’s “fragile” environment – were lobbying President Carter to sign a bill to prevent further development of oil and gas resources on the Arctic coastal plain. The election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980 gave hope to the pro-development forces, but the hue and cry in the wake of the Exxon Valdez oil spill left the issue in limbo – where it remained until the election of pro-development President Donald Trump. While the Tax Cut and Jobs Act of 2017 officially opened the Arctic Refuge to energy development, the Biden administration suspended Trump-era oil leases on federal lands on Day One. But no sooner than Trump was sworn in for his second term, he again reopened the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas extraction and restored the leases. Decades of suppression of Alaska oil exploration and development have played a role in the decline in oil production from two million barrels per day in the late 1980s to just 420,000 barrels per day today. Alaska natural gas production, however, has remained in the range of 29 to 32 billion cubic feet per year over the past 20 years. Cook Inlet natural gas is largely used within Alaska for fertilizer production in Kenai and heating and power in Anchorage. In addition, at the Cook Inlet LNG Terminal, natural gas is liquefied for shipment, largely to Japan, under Energy Department licenses. North Slope natural gas has largely been reinjected because there is no pipeline to ship the gas – an estimated 35 trillion cubic feet – to markets. All that may soon be changing if politics allows. The pipeline (and various mining projects) could soon end decades of frustration for Alaskans and solidify relations with Far East allies, just as new mining projects could ease concerns over foreign (mostly Chinese) control over the US critical minerals supply chain. The state-owned Alaska Gasline Development Corporation (AGDC) had been developing a plan for an 810-mile, $44 billion pipeline to transport about 3.9 billion cubic feet per day of stranded natural gas from the North Slope for liquefaction at an ice-free port facility in southern Alaska. The project, which would produce up to 20 million tonnes per year of LNG, just needed major financing partners. Glenfarne Group, LLC, a New York-based development firm, through Glenfarne Alaska LNG, LLC, in 2025 entered into a 75-25 partnership with the AGDC under the banner 8 Star Alaska, which now owns all Alaska LNG project assets, permits, engineering data, and rights-of-way. With all permits and rights-of-way granted and all engineering and environmental studies completed, the only thing standing in the way of construction has been secure purchase contracts and the financing for construction of the pipeline, liquefaction facilities, and port expansion. Just this month, both South Korea and Taiwan have stepped up to provide that financing – provided the US and 8 Star Alaska can demonstrate the project will be profitable. The $54 billion South Korean investment announced on October 1 by President Trump was contingent, according to the South Korean government, on finalization of commercial and legal conditions. Glenfarne said at the time it had lined up commitments for the purchase of 13 million tonnes per year (tpy) but needed another three million tpy to support a final investment decision that would make those commitments binding. This includes commitments from Japan’s two largest LNG importers — JERA and Tokyo Gas — for a combined two million tpy. Two weeks later, the second shoe dropped – with Taiwan’s commitment to an offtake investment of $70 to $80 billion to secure a 30 per cent stake in the pipeline project for the next two decades. Taiwan also pledged $4.4 billion in direct equity investment. These two major commitments have brought the long-awaited Alaska LNG project closer than ever to fruition. The natural gas pipeline is not the only good news for Alaskans eager for economic development and jobs. According to the Alaska Department of Natural Resources, mining today supports 12,400 direct, indirect and induced jobs for Alaskans and brings $1.1 billion to over 500 local businesses for goods and services. Mining also brings in $425 million in royalty payments to Alaska Native Corporations. In mid-September, the US government announced it had become a 10 per cent owner of Trilogy Metals – after closing a $35.6 million investment aimed at advancing Trilogy’s Upper Kobuk Minerals Projects (UKMP) in northwestern Alaska. The properties are held by Ambler Metals, a 50-50 joint venture between Trilogy and Australian miner South32. UKMP is a potential new US source of copper, zinc, and other metals vital to domestic supply chains. Trilogy’s Arctic project was added earlier this year to the FAST-41 program that seeks to improve coordination among federal agencies to accelerate permitting for major infrastructure and critical minerals projects. The project, long opposed by anti-development forces, anticipates a 13-year mine life averaging annual production of 149 million pounds of copper and 173 million pounds of zinc plus smaller quantities of lead, gold, and silver. The only federal permit needed is a Section 404 authorization, which Trilogy hopes to have completed by late 2028. The US Army Corps of Engineers on September 18 opened a 45-day comment period regarding the Section 404 permit. In addition, the Alaska DNR lists numerous large-mine projects in the permitting or development stage, including Graphite One, the Palmer copper-zinc project, the Niblack copper-gold-zinc deposit, and the Bokan-Dotson Ridge rare-earth elements project. Another proposed mining project, the copper-gold-molybdenum open pit Pebble Mine project in southwest Alaska, remains blocked by federal environmental rulings and ongoing litigation. The rush, however, is on. This article originally appeared at RealClear Energy and was republished by CFACT.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 9h
Covid and the rape gangs prove it.
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We Were Right All Along
Tom Armstrong _Just an old fashioned romantic libertarian conservative at heart. Or maybe a romantic conservative libertarian, depending on the stages of the moon_ For years we so-called conspiracy theorists were mocked, censored, and treated as the lowest form of life by the mainstream media and the political class. We were told we were dangerous cranks, anti-science, far right, or worse. Yet the facts keep catching up with the official story. What was dismissed as wild speculation is now emerging, piece by piece, as uncomfortable reality. Two recent developments make the point with brutal clarity. Start with the care homes. We are now being told, in carefully worded official language, that elderly people were “sacrificed” to protect the National Health Service. The phrase is designed to sound tragic but necessary. It is nothing of the sort. It is a rewriting of history that still refuses to face the ugliest part of what happened. In the spring of 2020, hospitals across Britain discharged patients into care homes without testing them for the virus that was supposedly so lethal it justified locking down an entire country. Many of those patients arrived with “Do Not Resuscitate” notices already in place. Care homes were not hospitals. They had no isolation facilities worth the name, no spare staff trained for infection control, and no stocks of proper protective equipment. They were residential places for the frail and the elderly. Sending untested, potentially infectious patients into those settings was not a difficult policy choice. It was criminal negligence. The official line claims this was done to free up hospital beds and “save the NHS.” That claim collapses under the slightest scrutiny. At the time, many hospitals were not overflowing. Elective surgeries had been cancelled. Wards stood half empty. Nightingale hospitals were built at enormous cost and then barely used. The system had capacity. At best, what it lacked was the willingness to treat the elderly as people rather than as a logistical problem to be moved out of the way. But the logical conclusion is uglier still. By moving the virus into the exact population most vulnerable to it, policy makers guaranteed a wave of deaths among the old. The must have known this and it is reasonable to conclude that this was the deliberate intention of those responsible for the decision. What is beyond serious dispute is that the outcome was predictable. Ordinary people, like me and many others then posting in the _Spectator_ , all without fancy titles or television contracts, said so at the time. We pointed out that packing untested patients into care homes was a recipe for slaughter but were shouted down as conspiracy theorists. The BBC, the newspapers, and the politicians insisted that any criticism of the policy was an attack on the NHS itself. To question was to be beyond the pale. Thousands of families lost parents and grandparents in those months. Many of those deaths occurred after the virus had been introduced into the homes by official policy. The people who raised the alarm were not vindicated by the media. They were ignored until the body count became too large to hide. Even now the preferred language is “sacrifice to save the NHS.” The truth is simpler and more damning: the vulnerable were treated as expendable, possibly necessary sacrifices to persuade the sceptics that Covid was a serious threat, and anyone who said so was gaslit. Turn now to the other story that refuses to stay buried. Keir Starmer, the former, utterly useless, utterly mendacious, prime minister, served as director of Public Prosecutions between 2008 and 2013. During those years the systematic sexual abuse of girls by organised groups of men, predominantly Pakistani Muslims, continued in towns across the country. The scale was industrial. The victims were children. The authorities knew. Police forces, social services, and local councils repeatedly failed to act, often citing fears of being labelled racist and/or to protect the establishment’s untouchable policies of diversity and mass immigration. The Crown Prosecution Service, under Starmer’s leadership, was part of that system. It is now reported that Starmer may be called to give evidence to the inquiry into these rape gangs. That should surprise no one who paid attention at the time. The idea that the country’s most senior prosecutor was somehow unaware of the patterns of offending, the collapsed cases, the deliberate decisions not to pursue charges, is simply not credible. The information was available. The failures were repeated. The victims kept coming forward and were disbelieved, ignored, or threatened and silenced. Those of us who said that the political and legal establishments were protecting a voting bloc rather than protecting children were dismissed as racists and conspiracy theorists. We pointed out the obvious: that Labour’s electoral dependence on certain communities created a powerful incentive to look the other way. We said that cultural sensitivity had been allowed to trump the basic duty to prosecute crime. We were told this was a fringe view peddled by the far right. The official line insisted that the problem was isolated, exaggerated, or imaginary. It was not. The independent inquiries that eventually took place confirmed industrial-scale abuse and institutional cowardice. The same pattern appeared in Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford, Telford, and elsewhere. Girls as young as 11 and 12 were raped, trafficked, and discarded while those in authority calculated the political cost of acting. If the director of Public Prosecutions of the day did not know the scale of the failure occurring on his watch, then he was not fit for the office. If he did know and failed to force the system to confront it, then he bears responsibility for the cover-up of a crime against the most vulnerable. The motive is not hard to discern. Labour has grown steadily more reliant on the votes of communities in which these gangs found their recruitment base and their protection. Challenging the problem risked alienating that base. On top of that, to confront it would have risked criticism of the establishment’s most sacred policies. Better, the calculation went, to manage the scandal quietly than to confront it head-on. The result was years of additional victims. That is not a conspiracy theory. It is the documented record of institutional failure, now finally being examined with the seriousness it always deserved. These two episodes are not isolated. They form part of a larger pattern. On issue after issue the public was told that the official account was the only acceptable one. Question the care-home discharges and you were an enemy of the NHS. Question the handling of the grooming gangs and you were a bigot. Question lockdowns, vaccine mandates, or the suppression of debate and you were a danger to public health. The media acted as the enforcement arm of the consensus. Dissent was not answered with evidence – it was answered with smears and cancellation. The people who refused to accept the official story were not always right in every detail. No one is. But on the crucial points we were closer to the truth than the institutions that claimed a monopoly on it. The elderly and vulnerable were not protected: they were deliberately exposed. The girls were not safeguarded: they were abandoned. The authorities preferred narrative management to honest reckoning. And when the facts eventually forced their way into the open, the same institutions that had suppressed the questions began to rewrite the past in softer language. A healthy society would treat this as a moment for humility. It would admit that the people it dismissed as cranks had seen more clearly than the credentialed experts and the political class. It would ask why the incentives of power so consistently favoured silence over justice. It would demand accountability from those who held the highest offices while the failures unfolded. Instead we are offered carefully calibrated admissions that still protect the powerful. The care-home deaths become a necessary sacrifice. The grooming-gang scandals become a matter of “lessons learned.” The men and women who said from the beginning that both policies were disastrous are still treated as the problem rather than as the early warning system. The pattern is clear enough for anyone willing to look. When the official story collapses under its own weight, the first response is not apology. It is redefinition. The second response is to move on and hope the public has a short memory. The conspiracy theorists, for all their occasional excesses, understood something the establishment still refuses to accept: power protects itself first. The vulnerable come second. The truth comes a distant third. That is not a theory. It is the record of the last several years, written in the deaths of the elderly and the ruined lives of children. The people who pointed it out were right. The people who shouted them down have yet to account for their failure. Until they do, the next official narrative will deserve the same suspicion that the last ones earned. This article was originally published by the Free Speech Backlash.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 9h
Pilots from Muslim countries barred from flights to Israel.
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Israel Puts Its People First
Future generations will surely look back on our times and conclude that we were completely mad. I’m not just talking about the unhinged Covid panic years, or the blatant lunacy of pretending that men in dresses are ‘real women’. Nor even the unhinged lunacy of making large swathes of our economy, and practically our entire higher education system, beholden to a communist dictatorship that sits atop a pile of an estimated 70 million corpses, still runs vast gulags and routinely pillages billions of dollars of intellectual property. Nope, it’s our weak-kneed infatuation with Islam. Despite the endless evidence that ‘radical’ Islam is, in fact, just Islam, we have kept making more and more room for Islam. Not least in some of our most critical national security spheres. How many times do we have to be subjected to the humiliating ritual of getting bomb-checked by a hijabi at the airport before we wake up? And then there’s the matter of the pilots. The Flydubai attempted hijacking is not so isolated an incident as we would like to believe. Yet, while pilots attempting or succeeding in suicide-crashing planes are rare, Muslim pilots are disproportionately over-represented in such incidents. The Israelis, to their credit, aren’t taking chances any more. > Air France has banned Pakistani pilots and crew members from operating flights to and from Israel, after the Jewish nation reinforced restrictions for airline crew from countries that don’t have diplomatic relations with it. The move follows the attempted terror attack by Omani co-pilot aboard a FlyDubai flight on September 30. You can almost hear the collective shriek of the right-on classes, clutching their pearls in the hallowed halls of Human Resources departments across the West. To suggest that a pilot’s background, or, dare we say it, their allegiance to a faith that commands global submission, might have a bearing on their suitability for the cockpit is, of course, the ultimate heresy. But while the West continues its tedious, performative dance of ‘inclusivity’, Israel has decided that the lives of its passengers are marginally more important than the feelings of international airline unions. > Following the Air France ban on airline crew from 31 nations, including Pakistan, Chicago-based United Airlines has informed their pilots and cabin crew about nationality-based rules for flights to and from Israel. These restrictions have raised questions about their implications for international aviation and if more airlines would follow the same to comply with Israeli rules. It’s a refreshing breath of sanity: A state acting in its own rational self-interest. While we permit our borders to be porous and our skies to be navigated by the very people who wish us ill, the Israelis have dusted off the rulebook and decided that sovereignty, not to mention the safety of their citizens rather than the hurty feelings glass-jawed Muslims, actually means something. The list of restricted nations, a veritable ‘who’s who’ of the Islamic world, from Iran and Iraq to Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, is an admission of reality that our own feckless political class is too cowardly to voice. The enforcement, if reports are to be believed, has been swift and unforgiving. We are told of an Ethiopian Airlines flight that was unceremoniously ordered to turn back mid-flight because an Indonesian national was found to be at the helm. Imagine the indignation! To be plucked from the clouds, sent scurrying back to the departure point, all because a nation finally decided that security isn’t just a suggestion to be ignored at the altar of political correctness. > According to ch-aviation, the internal scheduling memo of United Airlines, lists 29 countries whose nationals might be barred from working on its flights to and from Tel Aviv. The countries are Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Brunei, Comoros, Cuba, Djibouti, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, North Korea, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, Venezuela and Yemen. Of course, the professional grievance-mongers are already sharpening their pens. The unions, those stalwart guardians of institutional stagnation, are bleating about ‘discrimination’. You’d laugh, if it wasn’t so deadly serious. If a company finds that a specific demographic has an annoying habit of attempting to steer aircraft into the ground, a prudent manager might consider that a valid reason for a change in personnel policy. To call this ‘discrimination’ is to admit that the primary purpose of our current aviation industry is not the safe transport of souls, but the maintenance of a social engineering project that prioritises diversity over the basic physics of not crashing. While we persist in our delusional slumber, patting ourselves on the back for our enlightened tolerance, the world continues to turn. Some nations, it seems, prefer to keep their citizens breathing rather than bow before the altar of globalist optics. At least, when the history books are written in the ruins of our civilisational decline, we will know that Israel tried to keep the cockpit doors closed. The rest of us? We were too busy worrying if the pilots felt sufficiently ‘validated’. * * * 💡 ****If you enjoyed this article please share it using the share buttons at the top or bottom of the article.****
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 10h
Any candidate who is concealing having sought gang support is vulnerable to a reporter finding out or, even worse, blackmail by the gangs.
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So, Who Else?
Richard Prebble _Columnist, former cabinet minister and ACT Party leader._ “It is just as important to say what you are against as what you are for.” Political candidates take their lead from their leader. They need to know not just what the party stands for, but what it stands against. While in no way excusing Kerrin Leoni’s attempt to cover up her gang visit, it is obvious that she and her campaign team did not know Chris Hipkins’ position on gangs. Understandable. Hipkins was a senior minister in Jacinda Ardern’s government, which took a very different approach. Labour’s campaign now has a problem that may be much bigger than Kerrin Leoni. Hipkins and his campaign team must be wondering whether any other Labour candidates have canvassed gangs for electoral support. I can help. I have served on Labour’s campaign committee. If one candidate thought canvassing gangs was acceptable, there will be others who now wish they hadn’t. They may be relying on the gangs to keep quiet. Any candidate who is concealing having sought gang support is vulnerable to a reporter finding out or, even worse, blackmail by the gangs. Better to fess up now. This article was originally published by I’ve Been Thinking.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 10h
National was preparing to announce its proposed under-16 social media ban more than a month before Cabinet formally approved the legislation, despite public opposition from both coalition partners.
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National planned social media ban launch before Cabinet signed off
_Summarised by_ Centrist **National was preparing to announce its proposed under-16 social media ban more than a month before Cabinet formally approved the legislation, despite public opposition from both coalition partners.** **Emails obtained by the NZ Herald under the Official Information Act show Prime Minister Christopher Luxon's office had confirmed plans for an August 24 announcement as early as July 23.** The July 23 email stated the event would “announce we are progressing the ban for under-16s and the bill is being introduced”. By August 13, Parliament's Grand Hall had been booked under Education Minister Erica Stanford's name, with approximately 80 guests expected. An official event brief described a “Post-Cab announcement regarding a social media ban”, with campaigners from the B416 online-safety movement among the invited guests. Invitations sent on August 20 referred explicitly to a “Social Media Announcement”. Other National MPs were also preparing for the announcement before Cabinet's decision. Cabinet approved introducing the legislation on August 24, and the event proceeded that afternoon. However, ACT and NZ First had already publicly opposed the proposed ban. NZ First leader Winston Peters subsequently disputed suggestions that the legislation represented agreed Government policy. “Thirty-three years on from people voting for MMP, here we are having to tell a coalition partner how MMP works,” Peters said. Stanford defended the advance planning, saying the event had been organised to discuss online harms and could have proceeded without announcing legislation if Cabinet had withheld approval. She said the announcement was always subject to Cabinet's decision. Read more at The NZ Herald**(paywalled)** _Re-published from the Centrist with permission_ Original article at The Centrist
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 10h
Police gained new powers on Sunday to order rough sleepers, beggars and people behaving in a disorderly manner to leave public places for up to 24 hours.
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Police can now move on rough sleepers — even without disorderly behaviour
_Summarised by_ Centrist **Police gained new powers on Sunday to order rough sleepers, beggars and people behaving in a disorderly manner to leave public places for up to 24 hours.** **Under the new law, rough sleeping alone can justify a move-on order, even without threatening or disruptive behaviour. Breaching an order can result in up to three months' imprisonment or a $1,000 fine.** The powers apply to adults aged 18 and over and cover disorderly or intimidating conduct, obstruction of businesses, unreasonable begging and rough sleeping. Justice Minister Paul Goldsmith insists the legislation does not criminalise homelessness. "They simply provide police with an additional tool to deal with people displaying disorderly behaviour in public places," he said. However, the law explicitly includes rough sleeping as a separate ground for issuing an order. Sunday Blessings co-founder Danielle LeGallais warned that homeless people may struggle to understand the rules, including how far they must move, for how long and what rights they have when questioned or detained. Retail NZ chief executive Carolyn Young supported action against threatening behaviour outside businesses but questioned whether moving people elsewhere would change their behaviour. Police say officers will initially seek voluntary compliance and may refer people to support services. Those moved on for rough sleeping or unreasonable begging can return for lawful purposes, such as obtaining food or medical assistance. Read more at 1News _Re-published from the Centrist with permission_ Original article at The Centrist
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 10h
Christopher Luxon has defended photographs showing himself and National minister Tama Potaka alongside gang members, arguing they cannot be compared with opposition politicians campaigning at gang-linked gatherings.
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Gang photos or gang campaigning? Luxon draws the line
_Summarised by_ Centrist **Christopher Luxon has defended photographs showing himself and National minister Tama Potaka alongside gang members, arguing they cannot be compared with opposition politicians campaigning at gang-linked gatherings.** **Labour leader Chris Hipkins accuses National of applying a double standard after repeatedly criticising Labour, Green and Te Pāti Māori politicians for their gang associations.** A photograph emerged showing Luxon alongside Black Power members at Parliament during the Crown's apology to survivors of abuse in state care. Another showed Māori Development Minister Tama Potaka posing with patched Mongrel Mob members at a January 2024 hui organised by the Kīngitanga. Potaka said one of those photographed was a former schoolmate who requested a picture. “There were literally thousands of people there,” he told RNZ, adding that the encounter occurred before the Government's gang patch ban. Luxon rejected comparisons with former Labour candidate Kerrin Leoni, who resigned after footage showed her wearing Labour campaign clothing and encouraging people to vote at a Mongrel Mob-linked gathering reportedly associated with fundraising. “He's not campaigning, he's not fundraising,” Luxon said of Potaka. Addressing his own photograph, Luxon said politicians could encounter gang members while carrying out official duties. “Do not conflate,” he warned, arguing that engaging with people in a public role did not amount to soliciting gang votes. Police Minister Mark Mitchell similarly distinguished between being approached for photographs at public events and attending gang-related campaign gatherings. Hipkins called National's response hypocritical, saying its MPs should be held to the same standards demanded of political opponents. **Read more at RNZ** here**and** here _Re-published from the Centrist with permission_ Original article at The Centrist
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 10h
ACT leader David Seymour says he has no objection to Māori customary rights, but believes judges have expanded their application beyond what Parliament intended.
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Seymour takes aim at 'activist judges'
_Summarised by_ Centrist **ACT leader David Seymour says he has no objection to Māori customary rights, but believes judges have expanded their application beyond what Parliament intended.** **His criticism centres on who should make the law: elected politicians or unelected judges.** Seymour has accused courts of allowing tikanga Māori, or customary practices, to influence areas of law where Parliament never expressly authorised their use. ACT's proposed constitutional reforms would make clear that Parliament is sovereign, the rule of law is fundamental and all New Zealanders are equal before the law. The party also wants to restrict courts from applying tikanga unless legislation specifically permits it or it is directly relevant to a case. Seymour has cited the Supreme Court's handling of the Peter Ellis case as an example of judicial overreach, arguing that tikanga was introduced into a case where it had not traditionally applied. “Parliament is elected. Judges are not,” Seymour said when announcing the policy in August. ACT would also amend legislation governing statutory interpretation, strengthen property rights and require governments to spell out the meaning of Treaty clauses rather than leave their interpretation to the courts. Critics, including legal academics, argue that developing common law is a normal judicial function and that portraying judges as activists overlooks Parliament's existing power to change the law. Read more at The NZ Herald Image: Glenn Davies _Re-published from the Centrist with permission_ Original article at The Centrist
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 10h
A Christchurch father battling stage 4 bowel cancer faces a $17,000 monthly bill for a drug already funded by Pharmac for some breast cancer patients.
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Pharmac funds cancer drug for some — but this father faces $17,000 a month
_Summarised by_ Centrist **A Christchurch father battling stage 4 bowel cancer faces a $17,000 monthly bill for a drug already funded by Pharmac for some breast cancer patients.** **Mike Hrynkewycz, 46, has cancer that has spread to his brain and lungs. His family has spent nearly $100,000 on treatment since his diagnosis in September 2025.** The drug, Enhertu, targets cancers carrying the HER2 protein. Medsafe approved its use for Mike's cancer type in September, but Pharmac has not extended public funding to bowel cancer patients. Each infusion costs more than $12,000, with treatment required every three weeks. Medsafe's approval unlocked $10,000 in annual support from Southern Cross, leaving the family to cover most of the cost themselves. A previous application for a different treatment was rejected after Pharmac concluded Mike's circumstances were not sufficiently exceptional. Clinical advice suggested 60 to 80 New Zealand patients could have similar needs. Pharmac says it had not received a formal funding application for Enhertu to treat HER2-positive bowel cancer as of 19 October, but would welcome one. Mike's wife Harriet works part-time while caring for him and their two children. The family estimates it can afford another six rounds of treatment. The case highlights the distinction between Medsafe approving a medicine for use and Pharmac agreeing to fund it. Read more at The NZ Herald _Re-published from the Centrist with permission_ Original article at The Centrist
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 10h
Kerrin Leoni's resignation may be less about her contact with Mongrel Mob members than what Labour knew about that contact while condemning other parties for similar associations, according to Newsroom political editor Jonathan Milne.
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Leoni's exit raises a bigger question: What did Labour know?
_Summarised by_ Centrist **Kerrin Leoni's resignation may be less about her contact with Mongrel Mob members than what Labour knew about that contact while condemning other parties for similar associations, according to Newsroom political editor Jonathan Milne.** **Milne argues that Labour's central problem is the apparent failure to disclose Leoni's earlier activities while Chris Hipkins publicly criticised Green and Te Pāti Māori politicians over their gang connections.** Leoni attended an October 3 gathering involving Mongrel Mob members, where footage later showed her wearing Labour campaign clothing and encouraging people to vote. According to Milne, she remained silent about the encounter for nine days while controversy intensified over a separate gang-pad visit involving Green and Te Pāti Māori politicians. Milne reports that Leoni had apparently withdrawn from that separate visit following advice from Labour's leadership. Others involved in her campaign were reportedly aware of the circumstances but did not speak publicly. Hipkins initially defended Leoni before footage of her campaigning emerged, prompting her resignation on October 23. Milne argues the greater issue is the apparent hypocrisy and failure to disclose what happened, rather than contact with gang members itself. He suggests the political consequences may extend beyond Leoni, potentially raising further questions about the conduct of Labour officials and campaign staff. Read more at Newsroom _Re-published from the Centrist with permission_ Original article at The Centrist
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 10h
The latest face of an ancient evil.
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The New Symbol of Anti-Western Hatred
Ashley Church _Digital creator_ As we watch the scenes of chaos emerging out of France, we see the same unifying emblems which have become synonymous with protest in the West. Disparate groups rallying for a range of causes including poverty, socialism, open immigration, climate change, and opposition to Western governments increasingly gather under the same colours and motifs: the Palestinian flag, supported by the keffiyeh and the covered face. These have become fundamental to the architecture of protest. In fact, the presence of those symbols is so self-evident that it’s hard to remember a time when they weren’t being used – so it may surprise you to know that they’ve only been synonymous with protest in the three years since the atrocities of 7 October 2023, when Hamas raped, tortured and murdered over 1,200 people in Southern Israel. And it gets even more interesting when we pin down how soon after the Hamas attacks these symbols started to show up in protest mobilisation. Was it within months, weeks, a fortnight? Nope. In many cases it was the very same day. In Berlin, Samidoun – an organisation with links to Palestinian terrorism – was distributing sweets to celebrate within hours. In Montreal, an announcement on 7 October invited people to gather the following day to “celebrate the resistance’s success”. In New York, organisers praised “heroic resistance” and advertised a Times Square rally for 8 October. And these weren’t ‘spontaneous’ uprisings. In many cases the collateral of protest – including pre-printed signage – appeared out of nowhere within hours of the events taking place in Israel. By 9 October, Toronto had a giant Palestinian flag, keffiyeh-wearing participants, marshals and placards defending the violence as resistance and decolonisation. Sydney had already hosted a gathering celebrating the attack, followed by an organised march to the Opera House. The signs of ‘preparation’ were everywhere. Consider how grotesque this is. These events were playing out while families in Israel were still desperately trying to contact relatives and the world was still coming to terms with what had just happened. News agencies were still reporting that civilians had been gunned down, bodies were still lying in the streets, families were still being held hostage in their homes and captives were still being paraded through the streets of Gaza. At this point we still didn’t even know the final death toll and the world was only beginning to understand the scale of the horror – yet anti-Israel protests were already taking place around the world. Think about that. Imagine watching the Twin Towers collapse, then seeing organisations immediately summon crowds to celebrate the terrorists’ success and condemn America. Imagine the revulsion as people praised the ‘courage’ of the men who had just murdered thousands. That is the moral enormity of those early celebrations. Before Israel had even counted its dead, the people who attacked it were being honoured. The machinery for defending the perpetrators and condemning their victims was already turning. Which raises a question that deserves a lot more attention than it has received: how were these protests able to mobilise so quickly and with so much ready-made collateral? Having organised many events myself, I know what bringing people together involves. Someone must contact participants, arrange speakers, prepare publicity, organise equipment, supply banners and establish a message. The people may arrive spontaneously but the infrastructure requires significant preparation. Now multiply that across cities, countries and continents. How much work had already been done? Who had done it? And did anyone directing that preparation know what was coming? Within days, American student organisers were circulating a national toolkit with shared messaging, graphics and protest instructions. Promotional flyers for their 12 October mobilisation depicted fighters on an Israeli tank and a paraglider, incorporating the attack itself into the campaign. Was this an established network reacting with extraordinary speed? Or had parts of that network already been prepared for an event whose significance only a few people understood? I can hear the objection. Surely something on that scale would require far too many people to keep a secret? It’s a fair question – but how many people actually needed to understand the purpose of the task they’d been given? A printer needs an order. A marshal needs instructions. A local organiser needs contacts. An attendee needs a time and place. Could people have been preparing to mobilise without knowing what would trigger their mobilisation? Could only a handful have understood what was actually approaching? Those questions inevitably lead to just a handful of identifiable organisations and relationships that mattered. Samidoun maintained an international mobilisation calendar connecting events across countries. The Palestinian Youth Movement appears repeatedly among organisers. US based National Students for Justice in Palestine supplied campus coordination. The People’s Forum, ANSWER Coalition and others subsequently joined them in organising international action. What looks like a multitude of separate local campaigns boils down to just a handful. Then there are the money trails. That George Soros’s Open Society Foundations made documented grants to Palestinian advocacy organisations is already on the record. Research into Shanghai-based businessman Neville Roy Singham describes another overlapping network of funding, media and activism. A 2024 US intelligence report also identified Iranian-linked actors encouraging Gaza protests and providing financial support although the report fell short of claiming foreknowledge of 7 October. So, who knew? Were the grotesque global demonstrations a rapidly organised response, or did military preparations in Gaza have a political counterpart abroad, ready to exploit the slaughter through a wider campaign of propaganda, subversion and hatred? And even more importantly – why? What’s the ultimate aim of these protests and how many people marching under the ‘Palestinian’ flag really understand whose objectives they are advancing and how this all ties together? As the new symbol of anti-western hatred, the Palestinian flag is really just the latest face of Antisemitism – the irrational hatred of Jews. It has survived for centuries by finding fresh language, fresh justifications and fresh recruits. Today, it can dress itself in the language of liberation and persuade people that celebrating the murder of Jews is an expression of justice. As such, the post 7 October anti-Israel movement doesn’t really represent a new struggle – it’s just the latest face of an ancient evil finding a new generation willing to carry its flag. This article was originally published by ashleychurch.com.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 11h
Preaching ‘social cohesion’ while funding hate preachers.
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Why Is Our Government Funding This Stuff?
You can’t preach ‘social cohesion’ while you’re simultaneously doling out tens of millions of dollars to Islamic hate-preachers spewing the sort of violent invective against Jews that led directly to Bondi. Unless, of course, you’re a Labor government vitally dependent on the Muslim vote. Then it’s all the money they could want and no questions asked. To damn them with faint praise, the Albanese government has pulled just one – count ’em, one! – grant. But only when the spotlight on its hate-funding got too intense. But the real question is just why the money was ever being handed out in the first place. Not to mention the hundreds of millions – in fact, the bulk of the government’s ‘social cohesion’ and ‘multicultural’ grants – handed out to groups representing less than three per cent of the population. That’s just the tip of the iceberg. **Pauline Hanson** was vilified for questioning whether the billion-dollar ‘halal-certification’ industry was channelling funds to terrorism. Yet, it was a perfectly reasonable question, given just how much secrecy surrounds where the money actually goes. But when it comes to pouring money into Islamic groups, secrecy is the operative principle. > The Albanese government has just been forced to cancel the $308,000 grant given to a Western Sydney Islamic media organisation, but serious questions remain. Why was this Islamic body, OnePath, given money ­despite a finding that it had spread antisemitic material? And what sort of due diligence is being done by officials more broadly when it comes to multicultural grants programs? Well might we ask. The machinery of bureaucratic oversight in this country appears to function with all the rigorous discernment of a perpetually pickled tavern keeper. When an outfit named OnePath, purveyors of various digital sermons and cultural commentaries, receives a taxpayer-funded windfall despite a well-documented penchant for broadcasting rancid hatred against Jews, we are expected to swallow the absurd notion that it was all a dreadful administrative oversight. Just a misplaced decimal point in the Department of Home Affairs, nothing to see here, move along. Especially pay no attention to the would-be terrorist pilot who got radicalised in the febrile stew of Muslim Australia. It gets murkier still, naturally. > According to the UAE Attorney-General, the accused co-pilot became acquainted with individuals associated with a Melbourne Islamic organisation known as MyCentre while studying in Australia at Melbourne RMIT. Down in the Garden State, the hub known as MyCentre, sharing an address and a rather robust ideological lineage with the grandly titled Islamic Information and Services Network of Australasia, finds itself tangled in the rather unpleasant business of international aviation terrorism. The authorities in the United Arab Emirates, possessing a rather firmer grasp of reality than our own somnambulant security apparatus, pointed a rather direct finger at connections forged right here in Victoria by an aspiring suicide pilot. Naturally, the man pulling the strings, **Samir Mohtadi** , better known to his admirers as Sheikh Abu Hamza, has issued the customary, pious protestations of absolute innocence. How profoundly touching. > What he can’t deny are antisemitic attacks on his own social media accounts, referring to Zionists as “scavengers” and “bloodsucking human beings”. Nor can he dispute evidence that he gave in court, in the 2008 trial of convicted terrorist benchmark figures, that many Muslims, himself included, regarded **Osama bin Laden** as a good man. Try as jihadis caught with their hands in the terror till might, they cannot simply wave away such charming conversational highlights. When a gentleman casually informs a court of law that mass-murdering architects of global jihad are ‘good men’, we would hope that red flags would flutter frantically across every government department in Canberra and Spring Street. But no. Instead of an immediate, forensic investigation into why public funds were flowing into an operation governed by such extremist perspectives, we find financial audits riddled with missing documentation, mysterious seven-figure internal loans, and a neat little family monopoly where four out of seven directors conveniently share the surname Mohtadi. And what are they building with this bounteous largesse? A sprawling mega-mosque in Mickleham, complete with gender-segregated schools and all the trimmings, sitting squarely on the desk of Victorian Planning Minister **Sonya Kilkenny**. With an election looming, the political class is no doubt sweating through their tailored suits, desperate to push the project through before the long-suffering electorate gets a word in edgeways. It is a sordid comedy of bureaucratic cowardice, funded entirely out of the pockets of the hapless Australian taxpayer. We are financing our own ideological dismantling, handing millions to institutions that hold our civilization in utter contempt. Until our political masters find a spine, or are forcibly relieved of their duties by a fed-up public, the gravy train for radical operatives rolls merrily on. * * * 💡 ****If you enjoyed this article please share it using the share buttons at the top or bottom of the article.****
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 12h
“Greater Wellington” sues Wellington City Council and Tiaki Wai over Moa Point sewage disaster.
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Moa Point and the Shitty Deflection
John McLean _Citizen typist patriot_ The Wellington Regional Council (WRC) calls itself “Greater Wellington Te Pane Matua Taiao”. However, there’s nothing remotely Great about WRC and it’s certainly no greater that the Wellington City Council (WCC) or Tiaki Wai Limited. They’re all as bad and idiotic as each other. On 1 October, WRC filed criminal prosecutions in the Wellington District Court against both WCC and Tiaki Wai, over the failure of Wellington’s Moa Point wastewater treatment plant and the resultant continuing discharges of untreated sewage. WCC and Tiaki Wai each face 10 charges under the Resource Management Act. Technically, WRC has laid the charges simply because it was WRC that issued the resource consents for the Moa Point plant. WCC holds the consents and Tiaki Wai is the plant operator, as successor to its predecessor company, Wellington Water Limited. Fathima Iftikar, WRC’s “Director of Strategy, Policy and Regulation”, intimated that WRC considers itself obliged to act as “independent regulator” on Moa Point, stating: “No matter how important the service, or who owns or operates it, the obligation to comply with environmental law remains the same.” But let us not get distracted by what the charges are or their merits. Because, rather than being a genuine attempt to punish those responsible for the debacle, the charges are purely designed to further muddy Wellington’s waters, avoid personal repercussions for the blameworthy individuals and give a false and misleading impression that real redress is being sought. Furthermore, if the litigation proceeds to a conclusion, it will of course waste multi millions more of ratepayers’ money, to no avail. The only winners will be the lawyers. The charges WRC is pursuing are WRC’s pre-emptive attempt to avoid its own responsibility for the Moa Point Pootastrophe. Because, as issuer of the consents, it was WRC’s abrogated responsibility to monitor compliance with the WRC-issued resource consents, enforce compliance and take early enforcement actions for breaches. In all those respects, WRC has been in gross dereliction of duty. WRC knew for years that Wellington’s wastewater infrastructure was at extreme risk of failing. Public reports had repeatedly highlighted ageing Wellington water infrastructure and resource consent non-compliance warranting WRC enforcement action. I covered the Moa Point debacle, shortly after the plant catastrophically failed. WASTE, WASTE EVERYWHERE… John McLean 12 Feb Untreated human waste continues to gush from the failed Moa Point treatment plant into the sea off the South Coast of Wellington. Pat Dougherty, the chief executive of Wellington Water, initially blamed the catastrophic failure on “under‑investment over a long period”. Wellington Water has now claimed that it cannot comment on the disaster because there… Read full story WRC is both a regional local authority and part of the wider Wellington local-government pond. The incestuous relationships between individuals within WRC, WCC and Tiaki Wai’s predecessor, Wellington Water, is the main reason why WRC was woefully weak in dealing with WCC and Wellington’s water entities before the Moa Manure Meltdown. WRC’s CEO is Nigel Corry. Nigel is institutionalized in Wellington local government and deserves to be further institutionalized. He started at WRC in 1998, bounced to WCC in 2004 and rebounded back to WRC in 2005, before rising to WRC CEO in 2021 where his current term as CEO is not due to end until April 2028. Local government Blobocrats endure, just as Us Awful Unwashed are forced to endure them. Wellington Water’s CEO when the Moa Point plant failed on 4 February 2026**** was Pat Dougherty, another local government lifer. Pat was CEO of the Kāpiti Coast District Council for a decade and CEO of the Nelson City Council for more years before infecting Wellington Water in 2023. Tasmanian interloper Michael Brewster replaced Dougherty this year when Wellington Water’s rapacious taniwha Tiaki Wai emerged, becoming its inaugural CEO. Nick Leggett has barely been out of local and central government roles since he was elected to the Porirua City Council in 1998 at the chubby age of 19. He joined Wellington Water’s board in 2022 and was chair when Moa Point disintegrated, having earlier appointed Dougherty as CEO. In a rare move, he resigned after the Moa Pt shit storm, reportedly saying “someone had to be accountable”. Perhaps he just drew the short straw (someone had to pretend to care). Perhaps Leggett just fled, like a sissy, to avoid any heat. He remains the CEO of lobby group Infrastructure New Zealand. Green Party MP Tamatha Paul, in her former communist incarnation as the Wellington City Councillor, voted against adequate wastewater funding, preferring to divert funds into the exorbitant cycle lanes she’s never used. WCC Mayor at the time Moa Point shat itself, Labour Lifer Andrew Little, labelled Leggett a “right-winger” a decade ago. But, in truth, all these people are much of a muchness politically: permanent Leftist addicts of the public tit. Absent from modern Western life are general calls for public atonement and punishment of individuals when things go horribly wrong. Gone are the old fashioned notions that timeserving public ‘servants’ should be forced to make public amends and take personal responsibility for the results of their abject incompetence. Reports of public inquiries these days, including the report that tried to whitewash the Big Brown Moa, inevitably blame ‘systemic failures’ and absolve all the culpable individuals of blame. It’s all **_just bad luck_**. Pillory nowadays means to attack or ridicule publicly. But _pillory_ also has an older, more down-to-earth meaning – to “put someone in a pillory”: a pillory being a wooden framework with holes for the head and hands, in which select individuals can be exposed to public abuse and pelted with objects. (A pillory is often confused with stocks, which typically restrain only the ankles.) What about Wellington’s concerned, patriotic citizens rounding up Nigel Corry, Pat Dougherty, Michael Brewster, Nick Leggett, Tamatha Paul and Andrew Little, physically pillory them in Wellington’s Civic Square and allow aggrieved Wellingtonians to pelt them with volleys of Moa Point’s finest, rotten fruit and suchlike? Just for a few hours. And then, with these culprits having atoned for their execrable sins, release them to get on with their lives and immediately end the Wellington Regional Council’s ridiculous criminal proceedings. Of course I’m not in my wildest dreams actually advocating for extrajudicial punishment of those culpable for the Moa Point Mess. In the modern theatre of Culture Wars, it’s the Leftists who advocate, and resort to, physical violence. In 1703, Daniel Defoe (author of the first major English novel, **_Robinson Crusoe_**) was sentenced by his government and compliant courts to be pilloried for a pamphlet he wrote. But instead of attacking Defoe as he stood pilloried, sympathetic Londoners cheered him, drank to his health, festooned him with flowers and purchased his written works. If and when a Labour-led government pillories me for my Substacks, I doubt Wellingtonians would be that sympathetic to Pilloried McLean. One clear imperative coming from WRC’s legal action against WCC (and Tiaki Wai) is that Wellingtonians must get a unitary Wellington Council as soon as possible. One Wellington Council suing another (and the water infrastructure company they each partly own) is an abject absurdity. This article was originally published on the author’s Substack.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 12h
Take our Daily Opinion Poll and see how your views compare to other readers and then share the poll on social media. By sharing the poll you will help even more readers to discover The Good Oil.
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The Good Oil Daily Opinion Poll
Take our Daily Opinion Poll and see how your views compare to other readers and then share the poll on social media. By sharing the poll you will help even more readers to discover _The Good Oil._ * * *
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 12h
Williamson also goes through the marginal electorates where he says the candidate vote will decide the result.
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Williamson on the Seats That Could Decide
**Penny Marie** _People in Politics podcast_ Former National Party MP of 30 years Maurice Williamson has returned to the People in Politics podcast, hosted by independent journalist Penny Marie and co-host Paul Mathews. In the episode he explains why two-tick National voters could cost the coalition the 2026 election. National currently holds 44 electorates. Williamson calculates that even an “impossible” 20 per cent rise on National’s current support of around 28 per cent would take its party vote only to about 33.6 per cent. That is far short of what it needs to match its electorate seats. National’s list intake has already fallen from 19 MPs in 2014 to five in 2023. Below zero is overhang territory, where a National party vote adds nothing. “National can’t get its party vote anywhere near matching the big block of electorates that it’s currently going to hold or win,” Williamson says. In the episode, the makeyourvotecount.nz, an MMP simulator is used to demonstrate what Maurice is saying. At 30.2 per cent, the NZ Herald Poll of Polls figure for National at the end of September, the result is a hung parliament. As National’s party vote is moved to ACT andNZ First, the centre-right majority grows to eight seats. Williamson calls it “almost alchemy”. Williamson also goes through the marginal electorates where he says the candidate vote will decide the result: ● Nelson: Labour won by just 26 votes in 2023. ● Mt Albert: National’s Melissa Lee lost by 18 votes. ● Wigram, Hutt South, Wairarapa and West Coast-Tasman are also on his list. **His advice in a nutshell** : In marginal seats, give your candidate vote to the National candidate. In every seat, give your party vote to ACT or NZ First. Epsom and Tāmaki are the exceptions, because those are the seats where he predicts ACT may win the candidate vote. Watch the full episode: https://youtu.be/93o_WC9P74g Read the full article: https://pennymarie.substack.com/p/make-both-your-votes-count-maurice?r=1hl7cl Try the interactive simulator: makeyourvotecount.nz Voting opens on 26 October and election day is Saturday 7 November.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 13h
While she fast-tracks her vision to enshrine Māori sovereignty into law, any clear thinking New Zealander can easily discern her radical blueprint would completely dismantle New Zealand’s democracy, replacing equal rights for all citizens with a divided system based on race.
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Claire Charters Calls Democracy a ‘Fairy Tale’
Pee Kay _No Minister_ Meet Claire Charters, an Auckland University law professor who has spent years climbing the ranks of the academic and bureaucratic elite. She has bounced from an advisor to the president of the UN General Assembly to a stint as an “indigenous governance adviser” for the Human Rights Commission. But don’t let the fancy titles fool you – Charters has built her career on ideas that many everyday New Zealanders find completely out of touch. As the lead author of the controversial He Puapua report, Charters is a driving force behind the push for co-governance and Māori sovereignty. When she was at the Human Rights Commission, she helped churn out “fact sheets” claiming that parallel systems are the only way to fix inequality, completely brushing aside the concept of personal responsibility. That ‘fact sheet’ stated – **_Co-governance arrangements, which enable Māori to manage issues and be involved in making decisions that affect Māori, can help to address entrenched inequalities Māori experience across numerous areas, including health, justice, employment, housing, and income._** To back up her claims, she loves to point to overseas examples like Finland’s indigenous parliament. What she conveniently leaves out, though, is that those European bodies answer to the national parliament and were actually voted on by regular citizens – not imposed from the top down. Charters maintains, **_“…without transformative change, New Zealand’s constitution will continue to perpetuate the fundamental injustice of colonial subjugation of Māori”._** **_“The Crown’s claim to sovereignty in this country is built on myth and assumption, not on the rule of law.”_** Now, Charters is taking her philosophies from the classroom to the bookstore. In her lecture halls at Auckland University, she holds a massive megaphone, using her position as a law professor to shape the minds of the next generation of lawyers and judges, steering them toward the belief that Māori hold a separate, legal sovereignty. She has doubled down on this in her new book, _Sovereignty: The Case for Constitutional Transformation_. In it, she boldly claims that **New Zealand’s actual sovereignty is just a “myth”** and that **our legal foundations are illegal and unjust.** Even worse, she mocks the idea of everyone being equal under the law, **calling universal equality a colonial “fairy tale”**. While she fast-tracks her vision to enshrine Māori sovereignty into law, any clear thinking New Zealander can easily discern her radical blueprint would completely dismantle New Zealand’s democracy, replacing equal rights for all citizens with a divided system based on race. An **ETHNOCRACY!** Geoff Parker gives his views on Charters’ book here – https://breakingviewsnz.blogspot.com/2026/10/geoff-parker-claire-charters.html And the Anglo Saxon, now back on deck, could not let her outlandish claims go unanswered here – https://youtu.be/SryotCJRDao This article was originally published by No Minister.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 13h
The economic effects of private companies can be measured in jobs, exports, tax paid and private gifts to hospitals and community facilities. The effects of organised gang activity appear in police statistics, hospital presentations, court lists and the documented use of intimidation and extortion.
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These Are Stupid and False Claims
**LilBaP** Joel Maxwell’s _Stuff_ opinion tells readers they should fear billionaires more than Māori gangsters. He starts: “Let me make the argument that our queasy fascination with a bunch of creepy, destructive, probably criminal idiots in the final weeks of the election is focused on the wrong group of creepy, destructive idiots.” The fascination is media click-baiting. There is no fascination for the rest of us. Maxwell points at Donald Trump, Musk and Zuckerberg. He writes that “Aotearoa is in the grip of a fuel crisis largely created by a billionaire, Donald Trump, who was supported financially into power by at least one billionaire, Elon Musk, and is preying on the fears of vast swathes of humanity, underwritten by the technology of other billionaires like Mark Zuckerberg.” You can blame Trump if you’re inclined and Musk’s financial support was real but small relative to a presidential campaign. Zuckerberg and other major technology figures did not fund Trump’s rise; indeed several of them opposed him but, notably, other left-aligned billionaire donors, such as Soros, are not mentioned. Maxwell need not concern himself with the billionaires he named. They will not know where Aotearoa is. The _Stuff_ trick is familiar. Foreign names are invoked so the reader is primed to accept a local comparison that has no supporting evidence. The list is not there for accuracy. It is there to establish “billionaire” as a threat before the piece turns to New Zealand’s Rich List and equates those people with gangs. This is an activist journalist promoting fear without a single shred of evidence. I’m not going to preach that all billionaires are angels but there is no public evidence that any of the 26 people on the 2026 NBR Rich List built their wealth through crime, violence, drug dealing or extortion. Maxwell’s piece treats that absence as irrelevant. He tries to wave the gangs away by saying they are only a tiny proportion of the Māori population – about 10,500 patched and prospective members in a country of more than five million (about 0.21 per cent). Apply the same standard to the 26 people on the 2026 NBR Rich List. That is roughly 0.0005 per cent of New Zealanders. If size alone decides whether a group is worth worrying about, the billionaires do not even register. Most people will never meet either group but I know which one I would prefer to meet. One group is repeatedly in court for violence, intimidation and extortion. The other is not. Maxwell ignores that distinction so he can keep the comparison. This is an activist journalist pointing readers in a different direction to soften the focus on gangs in the final weeks of the election. Those 26 built or control businesses that employ people and generate taxable activity. Zuru, started in a Cambridge garage and now employs thousands worldwide across toys, consumer goods and construction. Rocket Lab, founded in New Zealand, has created high-skill jobs and, on its Nasdaq listing, generated significant wealth for staff and its founder. Packaging, software, film production and property businesses on the list produce exports, create jobs, pay tax and support suppliers. They also give money away. Graeme and Robyn Hart donated $6.5 million to Starship Children’s Hospital in 2023 to support the expansion of its Paediatric Intensive Care Unit, one of the larger single private gifts the hospital has received, and earlier they gave $10 million to the University of Otago toward a dental teaching facility in South Auckland. The Mowbrays, whose Zuru business tops the list, have been described by the _NBR_ as big charity givers, with support going to Starship, Unicef, the Salvation Army, KidsCan and food banks. Rocket Lab and Sir Peter Beck have funded scholarships for students from the Mahia and Wairoa region (including for Māori students in health), provided community support and cyclone relief supplies to the East Coast, and backed other New Zealand technology startups. These are documented, public contributions to hospitals, education, community organisations and local regions. They sit alongside the ordinary tax paid by the companies themselves. None of this requires treating their wealth as being beyond scrutiny – but it does require noticing that the activity is legal, recorded and subject to tax and company law. No equivalent public record shows these people intimidating neighbours, blackmailing victims for tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars, or using standover tactics that appear in police charging documents and court judgments. I am not aware of any gang organisation matching the documented scale of private gifts to hospitals or education seen from people on the Rich List. What is documented is the flow of taxpayers’ money in the other direction – through government contracts, Whānau Ora providers and various ‘engagement’ and social programmes involving gangs. The contrast with documented gang activity is not subtle. Police and courts have repeatedly recorded cases of intimidation and extortion. A senior Dunedin gang member was jailed for blackmailing a retail worker out of sums estimated up to $250,000 through sustained threats of violence. In Christchurch, a patched Mongol member and an associate faced blackmail charges after threats of violence toward a victim’s partner and children led to tens of thousands of dollars being transferred. Other cases have involved demands for cash or property under threat, kidnappings over small debts and violence used to extract money or enforce control. These are not abstract concerns – the people involved use the threat of harm. The people on the NBR list do not. Maxwell is allowed to dislike extreme wealth. He is not entitled to the implication that the people who built the likes of Zuru, Rocket Lab, packaging firms, software companies and film production operations pose a greater threat than the organisations that supply meth and appear in violence and extortion cases. When an opinion writer asserts relative danger without showing the harm, the claim stops being an argument about tax or inequality and becomes a moral ranking that places legal enterprise below organised crime. Publishing that ranking without the evidence is not protected by the word ‘opinion’. _Stuff_ can run critical pieces about wealth concentration, political access or tax policy. It should not run a headline and argument that treats billionaires as more dangerous than gangsters of any type and then hide behind the opinion label when the criminal side of the comparison is documented and the billionaire side is not - readers should understand the difference. The absence of crime linked to the 26 New Zealand billionaires is not a detail that can be waved away: it is the fact that makes Maxwell’s comparison stupid. The economic effects of large private companies can be measured in jobs, exports, tax paid and, in documented cases, private gifts to hospitals and community facilities. The effects of organised gang activity appear in police statistics, hospital presentations, court lists and the documented use of intimidation and extortion. Maxwell’s piece does not demonstrate that the first category produces greater harm than the second. That is the point at which the piece stops functioning as journalism and starts functioning as incitement against a group for which no criminal evidence is offered.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 14h
The centre-right option has many, many faults, but with economic growth finally starting to gather some momentum, we’d be crazy to put the brakes on – the way that Labour, the Greens and Opportunity want to.
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Opportunity Needs a Reality Check
Peter Williams _Writer and broadcaster for half a century. Now watching from the sidelines although verbalising thoughts on www.reality_ check.radio_three days a week._ We can all start voting on Monday, but the perennially offended among us just keep on finding things to whinge about. Apparently, a public holiday means it’s an inconvenient day to cast a vote. Just like all the complaining about how closing off the enrolment period at midnight this Sunday is ‘an affront to democracy’, you sometimes worry about the intelligence of people on the left side of politics. If I were Chris Hipkins, I’d be using the name of Monday’s holiday as a real push to get people to go out and vote for them. I mean, how much better can it be than getting people to vote Labour on Labour Day. Or have the campaign marketing boffins not figured that one out yet? You don’t hear National supporters complaining that they don’t have a public holiday named for them! National must have felt a lot better though after the 1News Verian poll came out on Tuesday night with their party vote number up to 32 per cent. But that came just hours after the _Post-_ Freshwater poll had them at 27.6. One of those polls is wrong, and based on the trends of recent weeks, I’d punt on the 1News poll being wrong. The Nats haven’t been above 30 per cent in any poll since September, although Roy Morgan has had them on either 30 or 31 since August. The news, though, is all bad for Labour, no matter which poll you look at. They might have been ahead of the Nats in the _Post_ -Freshwater poll Tuesday morning by 28.7 to 27.6, but by six o’clock they were trailing the Nats 32 to 27. No matter where you look, Labour is a party of the high 20s, and having their lunch eaten by the Greens, who are consistently in the 14 per cent to 16 per cent range. ACT and NZ First together get around 20 per cent in pretty much every poll; the Māori Party electorate-only strategy will get them probably three, possibly four seats, and then it’s Opportunity looking almost certain to get between five per cent and eight per cent, yet not being invited by Chris Luxon to join a government. A few points to note about the Māori seats. Labour will win Ikaroa-Rāwhiti, which they currently hold. They will win Te Tai Tonga, the seat including some of Wellington and all the South Island, and either the Greens or Labour will win Te Tai Tokerau in the north. The Māori Party leaders Rawiri Waititi and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer will win their seats, and Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke will keep Tainui. The close contest is in Auckland, in Tāmaki-Makaurau, where the Mongrel Mob lover Orinii Kaipara has a slender lead over Kerrin Leoni of Labour. What that means is that the Māori Party, if they only have three MPs, will create an overhang of just two, meaning 62 seats are needed for a majority. The centre can still win if National get up to 40 electorates – still not beyond the realm of possibility – and if the ACT-NZ First vote can move to 21 per cent or 22 per cent and therefore collect 25 or 26 MPs to get a slender majority for the right. With early voting only a few days from starting, perhaps it’s time to have a much closer look at Opportunity, who in pretty much every poll these days are being cast in the role of government decider. They could have up to 10 MPs, so let’s have a look at who that 10 might be. There are six women and four men in their top 10, two Māori, and five born outside New Zealand. We know plenty about Qiulae Wong because she’s pretty much the only Opportunity person seen in public. She reckons she won’t push hard, for now, on their land tax and citizens’ income ideas. Remember those policies. They lie at the heart of the party’s ideology. They’re both Marxist ideas of redistribution. Number two is Daniel Eb, who wants to transition Aotearoa to a just, regenerative food system. Whatever that means. He’s also the son of PR queen Deborah Pead who has no doubt played a strong role in writing the word-salad biographies of the Opportunity candidates. Wellington public servant Jessica Hammond is next. She’s the great Opportunity survivor. This is her fourth go at getting into parliament. At number four is Kayla Kingdon-Bebb, a Canadian who says she’s an expert in Treaty law and was a co-writer of He Puapua. Eden Skipper is the top South Islander on the list. He’s involved with his marae on Banks Peninsula and works as a researcher on alternative economic futures at Canterbury University. Jodie Kuntzsch, an immigrant but not saying from where, has worked at the intersection of industry, innovation and sustainability. She’s number six. Sarah Lucas from New Plymouth used to be a social worker and mental health worker. Now she owns a small business and is a manufacturer, although it doesn’t say what. Dave Bainbridge-Zafar is a Pom: he’s been here permanently for nine years, has an MBA in infrastructure management and currently works for the Gore District Council, although he lives in Dunedin. Dave is number eight. Then there’s Holly Knill from the North Shore who has “led growth and production in fast-changing industries”, and at number 10 is Pāpā Wharewera from Whakatāne, ex-military, another small business owner and one-time provincial rugby player. So that’s who you might get from the Opportunity Party. There is some decent real-life experience there, but their bottom lines to join a coalition are seriously wishy-washy. Policies such as “bringing prices down” or “cleaning up politics” suggest a political utopia that’s never been discovered. I think these people are in need of some reality. But they’re all photogenic, educated and feature on an easy-to-read website. Their campaign is being well managed, with no one apart from Qiulae Wong and Daniel Eb making any significant public appearances. They’re winning the public over because a decent chunk of voters are just attracted to something new and photogenic, without reading what’s on the tin. Just remember if you’re tempted by the pretty pictures, they want to tax landowners and give money away to people who don’t need it. That’s not a policy for economic growth – anywhere. This election is coming down to the lesser of two evils, but having a bunch of political rookies from Opportunity in government falls well short of ideal, especially when there’s already been tension with one of their potential colleague parties, the Greens. The centre-right option has many, many faults, but with economic growth finally starting to gather some momentum, we’d be crazy to put the brakes on – the way that Labour, the Greens and Opportunity want to. And check out VoteSmart2026.co.nz. This article was originally published by RCR Media.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 15h
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Good Oil General Debate
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 16h
Lawyer Keith Jefferies said there was one rule at Middleton’s private farewell: no one was to mention Karla. “Veronica is a strong woman, but the grief is still raw and real.”
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Face of the Day
> For decades, Mark Middleton fought to keep the man who murdered his stepdaughter, Karla Cardno, behind bars. But two weeks before Paul Joseph Dally’s recent appearance before the Parole Board, where he was denied parole for a 19th time, Middleton died. [...] > > Karla’s murder was something he never recovered from. [George Middleton, Mark’s older brother, says,] “Karla’s death had a deep effect on him. He never forgave Dally and he never forgot Karla. She was a lovely girl.” On May 26, 1989, Dally kidnapped 13-year-old Karla in Lower Hutt before raping and torturing her over 22 hours. [...] > > [Lawyer Keith Jeffries says,] “[Mark] loved his kids and never got over losing Karla. Mark had a strong sense of justice.” > > Jefferies first represented Middleton after he was charged with threatening to hunt down and crucify Dally. The charges followed comments Middleton made to journalists and police in August 1999, when Dally first became eligible for parole. “Mark threatened to hang Dally upside down and cut his balls off. > > “He said, ‘If they let this guy out, I’ll kill him. I’ll nail him upside down to a tree, cut his balls off and shove them down his throat. I’ll sew his mouth shut and kill him over three days’. > > “He was a robust guy. A few inmates offered to kill Dally for him, but Mark said, ‘No, I’ll do it myself’.” Middleton was furious that Dally had previously been released from prison after serving a nine-month sentence for attacking an elderly Auckland woman. [...] > > In February 2001, Middleton was found guilty of threatening to kill. The verdict sparked nationwide outrage. Talkback radio lines ran hot, protesters gathered outside courthouses, and the Sensible Sentencing Trust emerged. The late Judge Michael Lance, KC, sentenced Middleton to nine months’ imprisonment, suspended for two years, after a psychiatrist diagnosed him with “chronic hypertrophic grief” – a form of prolonged grief disorder. > > NZ Herald Read More
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 16h
The word for today is… sublime (verb, adjective) - verb 1: to cause to pass directly from the solid to the vapor state and condense back to solid form 2a (1): to elevate or exalt especially in dignity or honor (2): to render finer (as in purity or excellence) b: to convert (something inferior) […]
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The Good Oil Word of the Day
The word for today is… sublime (verb, adjective) - _verb_ 1: to cause to pass directly from the solid to the vapor state and condense back to solid form 2a (1): to elevate or exalt especially in dignity or honor (2): to render finer (as in purity or excellence) b: to convert (something inferior) into something of higher worth _adjective_ 1a: lofty, grand, or exalted in thought, expression, or manner b: of outstanding spiritual, intellectual, or moral worth c: tending to inspire awe usually because of elevated quality (as of beauty, nobility, or grandeur) or transcendent excellence 2a _archaic_ : high in place b _obsolete_ : lofty of mien : haughty c: supreme —used in a style of address : complete, utter Source : Merriam-Webster Etymology : At first glance, the question of whether sublime and sublimate are related might seem like an easy one to answer, as they appear to come from the same source. However, the most common senses in which each of these words is used today are dissimilar enough to give pause. The two words are indeed related, and in some senses are in fact synonymous. Both share the meaning “to cause to pass directly from the solid to the vapor state and condense back to solid form,” although this is not widely used except among chemists. Sublime was first used as a verb with the above meaning, and after a century or two of such use took on the adjectival role in which it is often found today (“the concert was a sublime experience”). Sublimate has had several meanings as a verb (including “to elevate to a place of honor” and “to give a more elevated character to”) before coming to its common meaning today, which is “to divert the expression of (an instinctual desire or impulse) from its unacceptable form to one that is considered more socially or culturally acceptable.” ** _If you enjoyed this Good Oil word of the day please consider sharing it with your friends and, especially, your children._**
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 16h
With the hoofs of his horses shall he tread down all thy streets: he shall slay thy people by the sword, and thy strong garrisons shall go down to the ground.
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The Good Oil Daily Bible Verse
Ezekiel 26 **11** With the hoofs of his horses shall he tread down all thy streets: he shall slay thy people by the sword, and thy strong garrisons shall go down to the ground.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 25/10/2026
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Night Cap
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 25/10/2026
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Standup Sunday
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 25/10/2026
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Would National forfeit the election to stop becoming a more center-right government?
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 25/10/2026
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Labour: For Workers or Wokesters?
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 25/10/2026
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Is the Opportunity Party "Drifting to the Left?"
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 25/10/2026
Just a brief note to readers who like to add their own contributions to Daily Roundup in the comments. This post is for family friendly humour ONLY thank you.
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The Good Oil Daily Roundup
Just a brief note to readers who like to add their own contributions to Daily Roundup in the comments. This post is for family friendly humour ONLY thank you.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 25/10/2026
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Good Oil Backchat
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
From fourth century barbarian kings to 21st century drama queens.
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How Did We Get from Goths to Goth?
It’s odd how pop culture can transform even the most horrific historical realities into figures of fun and entertainment. Pirates, those bloodthirsty rapist scourges of the 17th and 18th century, are now endless fodder for children’s entertainment. Even instructional primers from Disney bend the very meaning of the word to breaking-point with the admonition that “A good pirate never takes another person’s property.” (As it happens, Disney is solely responsible, too, for ‘pirate talk’: **Robert Newton** , as Long John Silver in Disney’s 1950 _Treasure Island_ , exaggerated his native Dorset accent, to fit in with _Treasure Island_ ’s West Country opening setting.) Witches, werewolves and vampires originated as icons of terror. Today, they’re also part of pop culture kiddy fun. And goths? If you hopped in a time machine and regaled a Roman soldier with stories of how you tried to pick up a hot goth chick, he’d think you were _insanus_. So, how did the invading barbarians who humiliated the empire’s famed legions and killed an emperor in battle in the fourth century, and pillaged Rome itself a century later, become pale-skinned vampirellas associated with an entire post-punk pop subculture? The historical Goths were, in truth, rather more complicated than the post-punk youths currently haunting Soho’s darker corners in fishnets and PVC. While we remember them as the grim reapers of the Roman Empire, they were also its most frequent houseguests. They did not merely burn – they integrated. They married into the Roman aristocracy and held high office in the military. **Stilicho** , a man of Gothic extraction, was effectively the master of the Western Empire. They were, in fact, early adopters of Christianity, translating the Bible into their own tongue long before the Franks had even considered turning the other cheek. > Despite their assimilation, in the public memory, however, the Goths’ image survived as a menace with pillaging in the midst of the chaos of the eve of the fall of the Roman Empire. An issue was also that the Christian dogma they were initially converted to, one called Arianism, was and is considered heretical, which caused other internal problems. This heresy, Arianism, served as a convenient wedge for the Roman elite to maintain the ‘barbarian’ slur long after the Goths had settled into Spanish and Italian life. It was a useful political cudgel. As the centuries ground on, the term _goth_ became a catch-all insult for anything unrefined, broken or decidedly non-Greco-Roman. It was, in essence, the Renaissance equivalent of a sneer. When architects began constructing those soaring cathedrals with their pointed arches and flying buttresses, the traditionalists looked on and dubbed the style ‘Gothic’ as a backhanded compliment, implying that only a barbarian could produce something so wildly non-linear and ‘un-smooth’. It was not until the 1800s that the wheel turned again. The Romantics, suffering from a chronic case of ‘ruin lust’, began to find a melancholy beauty in the very crumbling edifices their forebears had dismissed as barbaric. This is where we see the mutation begin in earnest. The remarkable paintings of **Friedrich** , and the gloom-ridden literature of **Walpole** , **Brontë** and **Poe** , took those decaying, ‘Gothic’ mansions, the supposed hallmarks of tribal ruin, and turned them into the claustrophobic theatres of the macabre. By the time the early 1980s rolled around, this centuries-long dislocation of the term reached its inevitable terminus. > As for the name itself being applied, as nice as it would be to have an easy explanation for the origin of the term, it has undergone a lot of change. For example, in the 20th century it merely translated to what was to be found as Gothic, meaning old-fashioned, slightly scary, with the air of brooding darkness. Thus, we arrive at the Batcave Club in London, 1982. Although ‘gothic’ had been applied as a vague description to rock music since the Doors in 1967, and **Nico** ’s _The Marble Index_ a year later, the precise ground zero of modern goth was, of all places, a block of flats in Brixton. This was the residence of one **Andi Sex Gang** , lead singer of the newly-formed Sex Gang Children, playing what was then called (this is a weird tale, after all) ‘positive punk’. Fellow musician of the scene, the Cult’s **Ian Astbury** , noting Andi’s style and his residence, dubbed him “the Gothic Goblin”. And thus Goth as we know it was born. While Astbury gave it the name, the subculture had been growing like an eldritch fungus in the catacombs of rock music for the past couple of years. **Dave Vanian** of the Damned, dressed as a caricature of a vampire, and bands like Bauhaus or Siouxsie and the Banshees all contributed to the aesthetic. It was a pastiche, a theatrical rejection of the ‘sunshine’ pop of the era. Astbury gave it a name, Sex Gang gave it a template and the opening of the Batcave gave it a home. The actual Visigoth king Alaric, who famously sacked Rome in 410, would surely be baffled to find his people’s name now synonymous with black velvet corsets, precarious stilettos and a profound, dramatic sense of existential angst. The Crimean Goths, those stragglers of the original stock who lingered near the Black Sea until the 1780s, were the last tangible link to the reality of the name. They quietly faded into the local population, leaving little trace but for a few linguistic echoes. They were, perhaps, the last real Goths. The rest of the ‘goth’ identity today is merely a grand, centuries-long game of telephone. We have taken the name of a formidable Germanic tribe, stripped it of its history and pinned it onto a subculture that finds more common ground with the gothic literature of the 19th century than with the battlefields of the fourth. * * * 💡 ****If you enjoyed this article please share it using the share buttons at the top or bottom of the article.****
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
The road to Hell runs through Kansas.
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Why Don’t You All Go to Stull?
Some might say that the closest place to Hell on Earth would have to be either Miami-Dade, Florida, or maybe the Jersey Shore, the one place said to be literally a portal to Hell is in fact a tiny rural village in Kansas. It sounds like something from an episode of _Supernatural_ : appropriately, because the legends surrounding a tiny hamlet in Kansas inspired the show’s creator, **Eric Kripke**. Characters Sam and Dean Winchester hail from Lawrence – just 20 kilometres from Stull, said to be home to a cemetery so haunted that it contains a direct portal to Hell. You might imagine that a hamlet harbouring the very gates of the infernal abyss would at least possess a certain Gothic grandeur: perhaps a smattering of gargoyles or a perpetually brooding sky choked with sulphur. Sadly, no. Hell is, it turns out, not other people, but almost no people and a sleepy, mid-western nowheresville. Instead, Stull is a thoroughly soporific speck on the map, founded back in 1857 by a gaggle of German-speaking Pennsylvania Dutch settlers who surely had more mundane things on their minds, such as crop yields and livestock, than hosting Lucifer’s annual garden party. For the better part of a century, life in Stull ticked along with all the breathless excitement of a damp tea towel. Its population never cracked 50 souls and its crowning civic achievement was a modest post office that barely outlived the Edwardian era. Then, in the mid-’70s, with occultism all the rage, some bored students at the nearby University of Kansas, just 20 kilometres away at Lawrence, decided to spin a rattling good yarn for the student newspaper one Halloween. > Far removed from the horrible story of The Exorcist or the bizarre black masses recently discovered in Los Angeles, and tucked away on a rough county road between Topeka and Lawrence is the tiny town of Stull. Not unlike the town of Sleepy Hollow, described by **Washington Irving** in his famous tale, Stull is one of those towns motorists can miss by blinking. Thus breathlessly began a 1974 article in the student rag by one **Jain Penner** , penned for a Halloween edition that apparently suffered from a notable shortage of actual news (this was Kansas, after all). Suddenly, a sleepy rural graveyard was thrust onto the international stage as the premier tourist destination for ghouls, thrill-seekers and teenagers with cheap cider and questionable judgement. Twice a year, on Halloween and the spring equinox, carloads of suburban adolescents would descend upon the peaceful resting place of the local farming community, convinced they might catch the Prince of Darkness popping up for a quick brewski. A graveyard of such Satanic repute required the appropriate architectural accessories and Stull at least delivered on that front. Chief among these was the old stone Evangelical Emmanuel Church, erected in 1867 and subsequently abandoned in 1922 when the congregation decided they fancied a snazzier wooden-framed house of worship across the road. Left to rot on its grassy hill above the graves, the stone relic duly spawned its own folklore. The local gossips whispered that its basement led straight to the fiery pit or that rain miraculously refused to fall within its roofless walls. > One of the legends swirling around Stull Cemetery was that of **Oliver Bahnmaier** , a two-year-old boy who died after accidentally wandering into a field his father was burning in Lecompton. The boy was buried in Stull Cemetery, and a story began that if one stepped on Oliver’s tombstone, they would be transported to Hell. Naturally, the authorities could not leave well enough alone. In 2002, the crumbling ruin was mysteriously demolished, much to the bewilderment of the property owner, who claimed he knew nothing about it until the bulldozers had finished their work. Even the replacement Methodist church couldn’t escape the town’s alleged curse, suffering a rather dramatic and mysterious fire in the summer of 2022. The catalogue of paranormal occurrences associated with the site is wonderfully unhinged. There is the tale of two young men who fled the graveyard only to find their motor vehicle inexplicably transposed to the opposite side of the highway, facing backward. They presumably swore the beer had nothing to do with it. There is also the persistent rumour that the village was originally named ‘Skull’ before nervous churchgoers hastily rebranded it to throw Old Scratch off the scent. And, my personal favourite, the splendidly unverifiable urban legend that **Pope John Paul II** allegedly ordered his pilot to steer the papal aircraft on a wide berth around eastern Kansas to avoid flying over unholy airspace. One can only picture His Holiness nervously clutching his rosary as the aircraft skirted the Kansas state line, terrified of a mid-air collision with a stray demon. The long-suffering actual residents of Stull, of course, viewed these annual invasions of urban degenerates with the kind of weary exasperation only rural folk can truly muster. When your grandmother’s final resting place is routinely desecrated by half-witted teenagers reenacting low-budget horror flicks, patience tends to wear remarkably thin. > To prevent unwelcome visitors, a chain link fence was erected around the cemetery grounds, and the site is patrolled regularly by security. “No Trespassing” signs were also installed on the fence. These precautions caused the number of visitors to die down, except around Halloween. Today, the gates are firmly locked, and trespassers face the distinctly un-infernal penalty of a hefty fine or a spell behind bars. The thrill-seekers have largely moved on to greener, less litigious pastures, leaving Stull to return to its rightful state of rural oblivion. Yet the legend stubbornly persists, immortalised not only in suburban folklore but as the primary inspiration for _Supernatural_. It’s a comforting reminder that humanity will always prefer a rattling good ghost story to the dull, quiet, reality of a Kansas cornfield. * * * 💡 ****If you enjoyed this article please share it using the share buttons at the top or bottom of the article.****
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
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Good Oil General Debate
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
The word for today is… heterodox (adjective) - 1: contrary to or different from an acknowledged standard, a traditional form, or an established religion : unorthodox, unconventional 2: holding unorthodox opinions or doctrines Source : Merriam-Webster Etymology : Individuals often see other […]
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The Good Oil Word of the Day
The word for today is… heterodox (adjective) - 1: contrary to or different from an acknowledged standard, a traditional form, or an established religion : unorthodox, unconventional 2: holding unorthodox opinions or doctrines Source : Merriam-Webster Etymology : Individuals often see other people’s ideas as unconventional while regarding their own as common sense. On second thought, this take may be more on the mild side—in other words, closer to orthodox (“conventional”) insight about human nature than to heterodox (“unconventional” or “contrary”) opinion. Both orthodox and heterodox developed from the same root, the Greek doxa, meaning “opinion.” Heterodox combines doxa with heter-, a combining form meaning “other” or “different”; orthodox pairs doxa with orth-, meaning “correct” or “straight.” ** _If you enjoyed this Good Oil word of the day please consider sharing it with your friends and, especially, your children._**
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
Do good, O Lord, unto those that be good, and to them that are upright in their hearts.
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The Good Oil Daily Bible Verse
Psalm 125 **4** Do good, O Lord, unto those that be good, and to them that are upright in their hearts.
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
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Night Cap
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
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Science Saturday
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
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Puberty Blockers Ban Overturned & MPs Cuddling Up To Gangs
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
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Karl Le Quesne On Final Days To Register To Vote In 2026 Election
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THE GOOD OIL @index.goodoil.news.ap.brid.gy · 24/10/2026
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What Does Shifting Party Votes Do To Coalition Seats? - Maurice Williamson #Election2026
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