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leena

@hetconned.bsky.social
136 followers 253 following 70 posts

Independent researcher mapping the fantasies the far-right are selling in a “post-truth” world. Interested in their affective economies, performance, and function. Exploring hetconning as a political technology of the far-right. linktr.ee/leenavand

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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 1h
Shared my closing remarks from an event this week launching landmark research into the gendered harms of AI:
"I think feminists, of all people, should be deeply suspicious of the word inevitable. Because it's pretty telling what we're constantly asked to accept as inevitable. The automation of our jobs? Inevitable. The wholesale restructuring of our economies? Inevitable. The enormous concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a few technology companies? Apparently inevitable. But gender equality?
Yeahhhh nah that sounds like a hard one, love. It's just too complicated."
Leena van Deventer
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 09/09/2026
I have an uncomfortable relationship with nostalgia. I'm not alone, either. I find it politically suspicious. I associate it with a childish rose-tinted regression or a selective and sentimental self-soothing behaviour (which can't possibly be taken seriously by serious people, right?). Somewhere along the line I'd filed nostalgia under right-wing-coded regressive habits that probably shouldn't be indulged. As did Karl Marx, Fredric Jameson, Svetlana Boym, and many others. I feel like I've been trained to find it distasteful. I know it's bad for me, and yet I do it anyway! Everyone does.
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 09/09/2026
“5000 words?! I’m not reading all that. i gotchu babe:
fought. We can't afford to forget the unkept promises made to us that were supposed to lead to an exciting future. Unmet needs sit in our longings; there is space for nostalgia in the utopian imaginary.
My main takeaway is that we should interrogate our nostalgia, not surrender it.
Ideally, we can hold our nose and bear to sit with it long enough to find whatever unfinished yesterdays might still be useful to the utopian project. Nostalgic longings don't even have to begin in our own lived memory, they can be planted—or even inherited-so there's a more defensive reason to pay attention to them, too. A praxis reason: if we don't pay attention to what people miss, somebody is going to tell them why they miss it.
And you're not going to like it.
-Leena
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 21/08/2026
Posting cadence has slowed a bit as I'm working on a yoooooge piece on nostalgia that's taken up all my thinky-time, but I hope to get a new nutty-butty fantasy up soon. There are wider concepts I need to get across to do it justice and this is turning into a whole-ass phd faster than I thought 🫨
a hetconning mind map of related concepts, like archives, memory, irony, myth, tradition, utopia, grief, hauntology et al. If you need more alt text let me know, happy to put it in digital form so it's easier to read.
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 28/05/2026
“I should probably get across the literature on nostalgia before going further” nek minnit:
15,675 words
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 24/05/2026
“Straw knighting” 👏👏👏 open.substack.com/pub/counterc...
Oh yeah? The online rando says. You think every author has to read? Well, maybe you haven't considered an author who gets caught in a freak basement explosion that lodges a rusty pipe from the boiler into their skull, which after being surgically removed leaves them unable to comprehend written words, and also they have a preexisting ear sensitivity that means they can't listen to audiobooks with headphones-and before you ask, they live in a crowded home of screaming war orphans so they can't play audiobooks on speakers-and even if they could still read, they literally do not even have a single free second of the day between work, cooking, cleaning, and posting on social media. Are you saying they can't still be a writer? Huh? You're saying a disabled war orphan caregiver with literally no free time because of late capitalism can't be a novelist? You elitist gatekeeping
@&%*#^$*!
(As a side note, I've never seen a great term to define this common rhetorical move. It is a bit like straw manning, except you're inventing an imagined exception instead of an imagined argument. And a bit like white knighting, though not on behalf of anyone real. I hereby propose "straw knighting" as the term.)
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 23/05/2026
the biggest hurdle to me pursuing further postgrad studies is that i’d look like this standing in front of people going “don’t you want THIS as part of your faculty?!”
Daniel radcliff in slippers with guns being very normal
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 02/05/2026
Milestone reached: a post of mine is doing the rounds with people who have fundamentally misunderstood what I was saying and are calling me a fucker about it
Thumbs up guy meme
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 24/04/2026
Finished Muskism this week on this recommendation and have much to digest about the fantasies men like Musk are choosing to believe in order to not send themselves insane. Fun to think of the brain damaging capacity of immense wealth and how that interacts with the things I’ve been writing about.
Book cover: 
MUSKISM
A Guide for the Perplexed

Quinn Slobodian & Ben Tarnoff
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 27/03/2026
Starting a new project is nerve wracking and a bit lonely but today I got the first comment from someone I didn’t know, gotta take your wins where you can get ‘em!
2 comments
Leave a comment
Dean Kiley *
7:53 PM
Got engrossed by this antisentimental, evidence-marshalled, incisive, compelling, and wholly-persuasive analysis of the seductive surface-smoothing mechanics of neocon nostalgia online.
LIKE • & REPLY
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 25/03/2026
Hello new followers! If you thought the most recent post went a little easy on Curtis Yarvin may I present this aperitif from my post on neo-feudalism/medieval nationalism to whet your whistle: hetconned.substack.com/p/special-li...
No one has been more explicit about turning this medieval fantasy into a theory of modern governance than Curtis Yarvin, who also writes under the name Mencius Moldbug. Yarvin is the kind of man whose presence makes you instinctively cover your drink. His ideology is often described as
"edgy" or "provocative",
" despite not saying
much to differentiate him from the "devil's advocate guy" from every early 2000s
Bulletin forum. A gormless dork of a man seemingly intent on trying to make "The Dark Enlightenment" happen 1, Curtis Yarvin has spent years arguing that democracy should be abolished and replaced with a CEO monarchy, where the state is run more like a company, and its populace become its customers. Political disagreement can then be reclassified merely as consumer dissatisfaction, where if you don't like how things are run, you can take your business elsewhere. A (dull) child's understanding of how things should be run, where authority flows downward, and loyalty must flow upward, to him, the King. The special boy.In his "Patchwork" writings 2, Yarvin outlines a vision of fragmented sovereignty organised through private ownership. He proposes replacing existing states with "a global spiderweb of tens, even hundreds, of thousands of sovereign and independent mini-countries," each governed by "its own joint-stock corporation without regard to the residents' opinions." "A Patchwork realm is governed by a Delegate," he writes, "who is the proxy of the proprietors" He cannot resist adding an antisemitic aside in the same breath: "(The Delegate is always Jewish.)" Even when he is sketching his new clean corporate monarchy, he goes out of his way to smuggle in a tired old trope.
Treating him as a cultural curiosity or eccentric blogger is another form of organised forgetting.
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 24/03/2026
If we're too busy encouraging mourning then we're sure as shit not organising to de-privatise the network or nationalise the pipes, and if we distract ourselves with wanting to restore the internet past, we have no room for thinking about how it could have (or should have) been engineered differently.
Leena van Deventer
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 12/03/2026
Field Notes: A note on method
On studying reactionary movements without turning the whole thing into a catalogue of maniacs
LEENA VAN DEVENTER
MAR 12, 2026I'm a few months into this project now and the drafts are starting to comfortably pile up. Which means I've reached the stage where it's time to pause and write a note about method instead of finishing any of them.
Working on these essays has surfaced a tension I didn't expect when I started: how closely this project should engage with the people actually producing the fantasies I'm writing about.
I'm feeling a little insecure about making a big methodological decision by myself, with no academic support. The corpus of work is swelling and growing, and I have to put my lines in the sand and my guide ropes up and some other secret third thing that works as a metaphor for deciding which way to go.
Do I want to start doing front facing videos summing up these concepts?
Pointing out right-wing fantasies in situ? Do I want to do a cute little video essay, or perhaps a podcast? (This is the elder millennial ADHD death drive, isn't it.)
There's a methodological tension that runs through this project that I want to be really explicit about, because it is one that (proper) academic work on extremism and radicalisation all come across (and unsupported researchers have to deal with it, too). I'm finding it difficult not to drag individuals and turn these posts into some kind of exposé. I have a node-graph of nutters. How much of them should I put in there? When should I refrain? What does that restraint give me?
What does it cost?
I know, I know. There are strong ethical reasons to avoid naming individuals when analysing reactionary movements and online radicalisation. Even though it would be really fun! Even though they're asking for it! Even if it takes all the oomph out of the argument to avoid pointing directly at examples and sticking my Bitchy Little Knife in.Naming names can amplify figures who already benefit from attention, and they often have an entire infrastructure set up to exploit that moment the second it happens. It could slide into spectacle, or worse, a public beef! It could flatten structural critique into personality study, or look like "calling out" instead of examining systems. Not to mention those old familiar concerns about researcher safety, harassment, and the escalation of conflict beyond the page. That old chestnut.
At the same time, writing in abstraction carries its own ethical risks that are really starting to chafe 1. These fantasies don't circulate autonomously. They're articulated, tested, refined, and monetised by identifiable actors, and treating these dynamics as impersonal can obscure responsibility. I don't want to misrepresent how power actually operates. In the context of online radicalisation, vagueness can function as a form of protection for those who are most effective at shaping discourse. It seems fundamentally unfair.
This project sits uneasily between those... poles. It's not interested in exposing individuals for its own sake, or in treating them as uniquely pathological. I want the emphasis to remain on rhetoric, incentives, circulation, and effects (and affects) rather than moral character. There's only so many ways you can say
"this person is grifting therefore they must be a grifter" before every post starts to look the same. I don't really want to do all this work to just be left with some catalogue of maniacs by the end.
But the practical reality here is that studying radicalisation, propaganda, or ideological formation without reference to the people actively producing and disseminating that material results in weaksauce analysis that feels thin and watery.I wasn't expecting a methodological compromise shaped by the object of study itself. That seems mean? Mods?
For now, Hetconned will have to sit somewhere in between. I can't wait to blatantly break my own rules when I feel like someone really deserves it. Luckily, writing this has helped me identify a handy anchor that I'm putting on a post-it as we speak:
The goal is to analyse 2 the fantasy, not catalogue the fantasists.
Remind me of this when I forget. Remind me louder if it looks like I'm pretending I forgot.
- Leena
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1 TMI, I guess.
2 I didn't use the word 'diagnose', give me presents.
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 12/03/2026
New Hetconned, a note on method: A problem with studying reactionary movements is that the people producing the fantasies are extremely annoying & extremely online. But if I ignore them, the analysis feels vague & thin. If I make it all about them, it's turning the whole thing into a freak index.
Field Notes: A note on method

On studying reactionary movements without turning the whole thing into a catalogue of maniacs

HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COMThere are strong ethical reasons to avoid naming individuals when analysing reactionary movements and online radicalisation. Even though it would be really fun! Even though they're asking for it! Even if it takes all the oomph out of the argument to avoid pointing directly at examples and sticking my Bitchy Little Knife in.
- Leena van Deventer
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 05/02/2026
A primer on hetconning for new readers: hetconned.substack.com I’m interested in fantasy as a political technology, and the markets the contemporary right are setting up to sell those fantasies to further the wider right-wing project. Hetconning is the frame I’m using to map and examine them.
Hetconned: understanding the temporal
engineering of the contemporary far-right
Why the far-right keeps selling us a past that never existed
HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 02/02/2026
No one has been more explicit about turning this medieval fantasy into a theory of modern governance than Curtis Yarvin, who also writes under the name Mencius Moldbug. Yarvin is the kind of man whose presence makes you instinctively cover your drink. His ideology is often described as "edgy" or
"provocative",
, despite not saying much to differentiate him from the "devil's advocate guy" from every early 2000s vBulletin forum. A gormless dork of a man seemingly intent on trying to make "The Dark Enlightenment" happen 1, Curtis Yarvin has spent years arguing that democracy should be abolished and replaced with a CEO monarchy, where the state is run more like a company, and its populace become its customers. Political disagreement can then be reclassified merely as consumer dissatisfaction, where if you don't like how things are run, you can take your business elsewhere. A (dull) child's understanding of how things should be run, where authority flows downward, and loyalty must flow upward, to him, the King. The special boy.
In his "Patchwork" writings 2, Yarvin outlines a vision of fragmented sovereignty organised through private ownership. He proposes replacing existing states with
"a global spiderweb of tens, even hundreds, of thousands of sovereign and independent mini-countries," each governed by "its own joint-stock corporation without regard to the residents' opinions. "A Patchwork realm is governed by a Delegate," he writes, "who is the proxy of the proprietors." He cannot resist adding an antisemitic aside in the same breath: "(The Delegate is always Jewish.)" Even when he is sketching his new clean corporate monarchy, he goes out of his way to smuggle in a tired old trope. Treating him as a cultural curiosity or eccentric blogger is another form of organised forgetting.
Paternal authority can promise relief from complexity 3. Tech culture's desire to eliminate friction maps neatly onto feudal logic, and governance can become similar to a software problem. If…The centuries of migration, revolt, religious fragmentation, and administrative failures that actually defined medieval Europe need to be ignored in order to sustain this fantasy. Queer kinship disappears. Non-productive lines disappear.
Religious deviation disappears. Women's labour (outside inheritance) disappears.
There are no succession crises. No assassinations. No rebellions. No famines. No paranoid courts or collapsing dynasties. The medieval ruler appears as a calm white-collar administrator, optimising his territory.
When medievalist aesthetics on the street coincide with neo-feudal governance proposals circulating among the elites, the quiet part starts to get louder. Many of the men who mobilise Norse imagery and claims of a 'pure' white lineage appear to assume embodying this fantasy would position them as rulers rather than subjects . Given Yarvin's outsized influence on the billionaire class and his proximity to figures in the current US government, it is far more likely they would find themselves positioned as subjects rather than lords.
What looks at first glance like a shared fascination with medieval symbols is better understood as a convergence of interests. Neo-feudal reactionaries want to roll back democracy and reinstall hierarchical governance. White nationalists want a story that reframes violence as a necessary part of collecting their rightful inheritance. Medievalism supplies both. It offers elites a language for privatised rule and unaccountable power, while offering foot soldiers a sense of belonging within a mythic past that flatters them as heirs and special little boys.
Dorothy Kim's analysis is useful here precisely because she identifies the possible harms (and stakes at play) here. "Almost all the major nodes" of the alt-right, she writes, "are attached to specific iterations of the medieval past," and the message is not symbolic: it is "intended to incite violent racism, xenophobia, toxic masculinity, Islamophobia, and anti-Semiti…work, persuading people to tight tor a world in which they will never rule, only serve.
As for how we can be useful pushing back against this disenfranchisement, Kim concludes in that same piece, "Our old-style position that objectivist neutrality is where medievalists should be no longer works." We need to shirk this pressure to be cold and objective and lean more heavily on human narratives when telling our histories. The more we tell stories about queer life in medieval times, stories about dissent and pluralism and mavericks and schisms and complications and ever-so-modern and relatable messiness, the more we can fight back against the people who want to dismantle democracy and return us to the dark ages.
- Leena
Thanks for reading hetconned! Subscribe for free here:
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1 More like the Dork Enlightenment, amirite.
2 I'm not linking his stuff directly, because I can't stomach it.
3 If you have a child's understanding of the world.
4 lol. Imao.
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 02/02/2026
For the non-substackers:
Special Little Lords
Medievalist nationalist fantasy, inheritance as ideology, and the neo-feudal dreams of the tech right
LEENA VAN DEVENTER
FEB 03, 2026On January 6, 2021, a crowd attempted to overturn the results of the US presidential election by force. They breached the Capitol, assaulted police, and moved through the building searching for terrified lawmakers. Some carried zip ties and wore tactical gear. But others dressed themselves in a more medieval story, with furs, horns, and runes.
To the unfamiliar, these costumes and props probably registered as some oddball theatrical flourish, or childish attention-seeking behaviour. While that's technically not too far off the mark, the particulars of these choices are worth noticing. The medieval references visible during the insurrection had been circulating for years in far-right organising spaces, both online and in person.
Crusader slogans appeared at rallies in Charlottesville in 2017. Norse runes and Viking imagery have been common in white nationalist fitness circles and mixed martial arts clubs (and their merchandise ecosystems) well before 2021.
We even see the idea of an ancient Britain being invoked by racists intent on stoking tensions about immigration, sometimes boiling over into physical violence. On January 6 it functioned as in-group signalling: a way to recognise comrades inside the riot, and to place yourself inside a mythic narrative of siege and redemption. By the time the Capitol was breached, this symbolic repertoire was already familiar to those using it, and to those who research those using it.
One such researcher, Dr. Helen Young, describes how "medievalist references littered the insurrection at the US Capitol on January 6th." Early media coverage struggled to describe what it was seeing, often treating the medieval imagery as a weird eccentric spectacle. Young refuses that framing. In her account, these references functioned as signals, intelligible to an audience already steeped in far-right mythologies of civilisational decline and beguiled by the promises of their 'rightful' (racial) inheritance.Invoking Crusader imagery attempts to condense a long and complex history into a single moral claim: a white, heterosexual Christian Europe is under attack by outside invaders, and requires violence to protect it. This is another example of the wider Restorative Past Fantasy, and it's one the right-wing project uses to justify violence as a defensive manoeuvre.
Any claim to inherited authority depends on lineage. Lineage, in turn, requires the regulation of sex, reproduction, and heritage, with heterosexual marriage positioned as the mechanism through which continuity is secured and legitimised. This is how a selectively-remembered past is engineered to police the present.
The hetconning at work here begins by engineering a uniformly heterosexual past, one organised around biology and inheritance, then flattening and whitening that history until genealogical lineage can be treated as a form of property. Once that sense of entitlement is in place, the present is recast as a dispute over rightful ownership of an ancestral inheritance.
Since the Nazi elevation of a mythologised "Germanic" past in the service of white supremacy, medieval material, particularly Scandinavian myth and legend, has repeatedly been pressed into service as evidence of a supposedly pure, pre-contact white Europe. This framing persists despite extensive historical evidence of cultural exchange, migration, trade, and intermarriage between ancient and medieval societies across Europe.Medievalist scholars (and even re-enactors) have been warning for years that white nationalists have been deliberately appropriating medieval aesthetics.
Sierra Lomuto stresses the responsibility the academy has during these appropriation attempts, noting "When white nationalists turn to the Middle Ages to find a heritage for whiteness-to seek validation for their claims of white supremacy-and they do not find resistance from the scholars of that past; when this quest is celebrated and given space within our academic community, our complacency becomes complicity." Taking this responsibility seriously in her own practice, she adds, "If we have a Richard Spencer in one of our classes, we can be sure he will not leave better equipped and more justified to spread his white supremacist hate."
The mistake, structurally, is to treat the medievalism on display on January 6th as either (a) a juvenile aesthetic or (b) a sincere love of history. The "Q Shaman" (also known as Jake Angeli, but whose real name is Jacob Anthony Chansley) put his historical ignorance on full display when, as Richard Fahey writes, "his caricature more closely resembles the ahistorical symbol of the Minnesota Vikings' football team than anything remotely resembling what a medieval Viking might have looked like." This aesthetic is engineered for circulation.
Which begs the question, what work does that circulation perform, and who benefits from it? It smuggles in a set of assumptions about how power ought to be organised, particularly advocating for a return to feudalism. On paper, removed from its dirt and shit and disease, a system of medieval kings, lords, vassals, and subjects offers a world that feels ordered, hierarchical, and calm, especially to alienated people.
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 02/02/2026
okay i got a little steamed in this one
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 02/02/2026
New hetconned: Special Little Lords The medieval imagery of the alt-right on display at rallies and the January 6 insurrection lines up neatly with neo-feudal ideas circulating among tech elites about inheritance, hierarchy, and rolling back democracy. hetconned.substack.com/p/special-li...
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 04/01/2026
One of the tragedies of so much
contemporary masculinity discourse is the way it collapses inward, away from politics and toward self-management. The promise on offer is one of relief: a way to feel resolved without having to renegotiate power, responsibility, or being a part of collective life.
Leena van Deventer
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 04/01/2026
Doomsday prepping and bush survivalism are celebrated as extreme examples of ingenuity and self-reliance, while quietly functioning as a withdrawal from any obligation to others. It's easier to feel competent when no one else is present to answer to or measure yourself against. But that withdrawal doesn't resolve aggression, it just redirects it.
Leena van Deventer
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 04/01/2026
What is restored by this fantasy, in the end, is permission. Permission not to listen.
Permission not to engage. Permission to mistake withdrawal from society for some quiet stoic dignity. The cost is then borne twice: by communities hollowed out through disengagement, and by men, straight and queer alike, taught that shrinking their world is a mark of strength.
Leena van Deventer
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 04/01/2026
"When men are taught to turn their bodies into weapons, it begs the question: who are they fighting? A body trained as a weapon must eventually be aimed at something. As Michael Messner observed in his study of sport and masculinity, "the body-as-weapon ultimately results in violence against one's own body''"'
Leena van Deventer
Masculinity, Hetconned
HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 04/01/2026
New: Masculinity wasn’t “simpler” before feminism. It just went unchallenged. Today’s reactionary nostalgia touted by the manosphere turns men inward, shrinking life to the management of their own bodies instead of fully participating in civic and social life: hetconned.substack.com/p/masculinit...
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 23/12/2025
I think waving away the tradwife phenomenon as a frivolous aesthetic concern or an issue of personal choice we should keep our noses out of is ignoring a much larger consolidation of power this gives momentum to, and the momentum continues despite the inherent hypocrisy behind it:
"many of the women promoting this domestic dependency are not withdrawing from the economy at all. They are, in fact, running small media businesses.
They cultivate audiences, manage brands, negotiate sponsorships, track metrics, and generate income through affiliate links and paid communities. They're often selling dependency while quietly retaining their own autonomy."
leena
"Traditional Family Values" and the Labour They Conceal
HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 23/12/2025
The affective economies of tradwifery are complex and layered, men are soothed by all the unpaid labour they enjoy but also by their new position as “stabliser”, where they can reframe control as care. Exhausted women are soothed by opting out of social negotiation by submitting to their husbands.
"Traditional
Family Values" and the Labour They Conceal (Home)making America Great
Again
HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 19/12/2025
A similar logic governed the recent baffling decision to alter the official portrait of four-star Admiral Rachel Levine, the first openly transgender federal official confirmed by the US Senate, on display within the Department of Health and Human Services. Her legal name was removed and replaced with her deadname.
Responding to the decision, Adm. Levine told NPR that it had been "an honour to serve the American people as the assistant secretary for health," adding,
,"I'm not
going to comment on this type of petty action." The image was deemed by the administration to have "become politicised," and its removal was presented as a necessary depoliticisation.
This inversion matters. Levine's portrait was not removed because it suddenly expressed a political argument-Levine herself hadn't changed overnight-but because her existence had been reclassified as ideological. This action didn't announce itself as censorship. It presented itself as maintenance.
This is the quiet power of The Restorative Past fantasy once it reaches the halls of power. It transforms ideological projects into administrative ones. By the time policy is debated, the terms of that debate have already been narrowed, if not abandoned entirely. But these projects do not begin in government. Before they arrive at the level of policy, they gather momentum on online stages, where the performance and circulation of The Restorative Past fantasy functions as a powerful tool of recruitment and astroturfing, making coordinated campaigns appear organic and grassroots. It is here, in the aesthetics of nostalgia and the language of personal choice, that the fantasy does much of its most effective work.
I've got a handful of examples of The Restorative Past Fantasy at work that Id like to dive into in more depth, and I'll be expanding on each in their own post as well as summarising them here, adding more as I go. (I'm trying to balance overview with concrete examples, so I'll keep this post as a wider snapshot an…"Traditional family values" as a timeless structure
The invocation of "traditional family values" relies on a sleight of hand so brazen it almost dares you to call it out. What is presented as some ancient moral inheritance is, in practice, a mid-twentieth-century artefact, assembled from Cold War anxieties, suburbanisation, and postwar consumer capitalism. The nuclear family was not discovered in scripture or handed down from antiquity; it was aggressively marketed as a stabilising unit in an era terrified of communism, queerness, women's labour, and racial integration. To call this arrangement timeless is not ignorance but strategy. The hetconning here is laundering a historically specific social form to appear as though it has been here for an eternity.
Masculinity as something feminism "complicated"
The claim that masculinity was once simple before feminism arrived to ruin it mistakes enforced silence for peace and order. What reactionaries mourn is not a coherent identity but the absence of challenge. Earlier masculinities were no less contradictory, brittle, or anxious; they were simply protected from interrogation by law, custom, and violence. Feminism did not complicate masculinity so much as expose its restrictions and costs, particularly for women, and the men who could not or would not conform. The fantasy here is a wishful daydream for unaccountability. By framing feminist critique as needless complexity, the past is rewritten as a place where men didn't have to be accountable to their community, and men were free to self-select exactly what form their "protection" of women would entail, without their pesky input.
Medievalism and nationalist inheritance
Modern nationalist medievalism depends on a cartoonish compression of time, where centuries of migration, intermarriage, religious conflict, and imperial violence are flattened into a single, mythic lineage. Claims of rightful descent invoke a fantasy Middle Ages populated exclusively by the speaker's ima…authority are treated as heirlooms stolen by outsiders rather than contested and continually remade. The medieval past functions less as history than as a costume cupboard, supplying armour, crosses, and banners that lend gravitas to contemporary exclusionary projects.
Digital nostalgia for early internet cultures
Nostalgia for the early internet often reads as a lament for lost innocence, but what is being mourned is more accurately a loss of dominance. The "frontier" web remembered by its loudest defenders was smaller, whiter, more male, and far less accountable. Harassment, piracy, and exclusion were not aberrations but structuring features, invisible only to those they did not target. By framing this era as a fallen Eden corrupted by moderation, diversity, or platform governance, critics recast structural harms as creative freedoms. The fantasy of the early internet performs the same work as other restorative myths: it transforms a space of unequal power into a lost commons, and the expansion of participation into a mortal decline.
"Return to the gold standard" and allied slogans
Calls to "return" to the gold standard or similarly archaic economic arrangements operate as talismans rather than proposals. These slogans gesture toward a fantasy of monetary purity, where value was supposedly stable, labour rewarded fairly, and the nation insulated from global complexity. What they omit is that such systems were historically accompanied by brutal inequality, restricted participation, and frequent crisis. The appeal lies not in feasibility but in moral theatre. Gold becomes shorthand for discipline, restraint, and masculine seriousness, opposed to the perceived softness of contemporary economic management. As with other restorative fantasies, the past is less a workable model than a rhetorical weapon used to delegitimise the present.
Retro-aesthetics and sanitised eras
Retro aesthetics perform ideological laundering through style. By isolating the surface textures of …allow consumers to enjoy nostalgia without reckoning. The diner, the dress, the muscle car, the pastoral homestead all appear without the labour exploitation, racial terror, marital coercion, or imperial violence that made them possible. This is not accidental. Aestheticisation drains history of consequence, turning periods defined by struggle into mood boards. In doing so, retro culture trains us to desire the feeling of the past while rejecting any responsibility for its conditions, a perfect preparation for a hetconned world.
I'll no doubt add more as I go. The restorative past fantasy is not a single story but a generative one, capable of attaching itself to wildly different political projects while performing the same work. Other fantasies I'm mapping include beliefs about a purified or "primal" self buried beneath modern interference (The Purified Self fantasy), in clean-slate fantasies of escape and rebirth (The Clean Break/Year Zero on Mars fantasy), in meritocratic stories that moralise inequality (The Meritocratic Ascension fantasy), in secret-knowledge Qanon narratives that promise order through codes and research (The Secret Knowledge fantasy), and in zero-sum accounts of gender that cast women as a scarce resource to be claimed (The Scarcity of Women fantasy) =. These are not discrete pathologies.
They are expressions of a shared impulse: to resolve the instability of the present by imagining that the answer already exists somewhere else in time.
The aim of this project is not to catalogue every version of that impulse, but to look them in the eye. Once these fantasies are named, they become easier to recognise as they circulate, mutate, and harden into policy 2. This recognition doesn't dispel their appeal, but it does interrupt and undermine their claim to inevitability. And in a political moment that trades so heavily on the feeling that nothing else is possible, I think that interruption matters.
- Leena
1 (I have several more in mind but I got bore…
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 19/12/2025
The Restorative Past fantasy, for the non-substackers:
The
Restorative
Past fantasy
The belief that there was once a coherent, pure, morally legible past, and that the present is a fallen copy.
HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COMThe Restorative Past fantasy
The belief that there was once a coherent, pure, morally legible past, and that the present is a fallen copy.
LEENA
DEC 19, 2025
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America has entered one of its periods of historical madness, but this is the worst I can remember: worse than McCarthyism, worse than the Bay of Pigs and in the long term potentially more disastrous than the Vietnam war. -John Le
Carré

Image of Nazi book burning in 1933In contemporary political rhetoric, it's striking how rarely we're invited to imagine something new. To consider futures possible. More often, the imagination is directed backward, toward return. The language of restoration dominates, promising the recovery of something coherent, moral, and natural that's supposedly been lost. I use The Restorative Past fantasy to describe this broad mode of temporal engineering. It encompasses projects as varied as tradwives and "traditional family values" narratives that frame masculinity as newly endangered (as though men are about to be suddenly raptured out of existence), nationalist appeals to a pure or rightful inheritance, and the soft-focus nostalgia that sanitises violence and exclusion in both digital culture and public life. What unites these examples is the conviction that the past already contains the answer, and that it's the role of political institutions is to restore and police that order.
The appeal of the Restorative Past fantasy lies in its ability to convert political disagreement into a mission of moral repair. If the problem is decline rather than inequality, then the task is not redistribution or transformation but correction.
Something went wrong. Something was introduced that did not belong. Remove it, and the world might make sense again.
Queerness is one particularly convenient target for this work, and hetconning is a useful political technology to help get it done.
There is no historical basis for the idea of a uniformly heterosexual past. Queer lives are threaded through the record, sometimes submerged in euphemism or omission, but never wholly absent. This fact unsettles the story of heterosexuality as a natural default, revealing it instead as a social arrangement that has always required active maintenance. By presenting exclusion as a correction, hetconning reframes that same maintenance work, recasting violence and erasure as necessary acts of upkeep. The removal of queer people from public life …This is not only a matter of belief, but of affect. Restorative fantasies offer relief from the instability of the present. They promise escape from the ongoing work of negotiating difference, and the discomfort of social change. They transform disorientation into grievance and grievance into purpose. In moments of crisis, that offer can be compelling.
In the final years of the Weimar Republic, Berlin enjoyed a dense and public queer culture, supported by bars, publications, advocacy networks, and research institutions, most notably the Institute for Sexual Science. This visibility became a focal point for reactionary narratives that framed modernity itself as decadent and corrupt. Queerness became a scapegoat for broader anxieties about social change, sexual freedom, and the erosion of traditional authority. When the Nazis consolidated power, they didn't just criminalise queer people. They destroyed archives, burned research, and dismantled the institutions that put queer life on the public record.
I hesitate a little here, as direct comparisons between Weimar Germany and the contemporary United States are... indelicate. Different century, different institutions, different scale. But the continuity that matters here lies in the boring mechanics of administration, where power advances not through heroic spectacle but sometimes in the banality of office paperwork.
In early 2025, as part of a sweeping rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, the Trump administration began purging government materials and websites of language deemed ideologically suspect. The instruction was blunt and mechanical: search for prohibited terms and remove them. Among the matches was a Boeing B-29 bomber preserved in the historical record under its name, the Enola Gay. The record was flagged for removal because the word "gay" was caught by a broad, indiscriminate Ctrl-F sweep. History was reduced to a searchable database in which certain strings of characters had become una…
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 19/12/2025
My first deep dive for the hetconned files: The Restorative Past fantasy. The belief that the past was pure & that we need to “retvrn”. Hetconned is me trying to understand the temporal engineering of the contemporary far-right and why their project relies on selling us a past that never existed.
The Restorative
Past fantasy
The belief that there was once a coherent, pure, morally legible past, and that the present is a fallen copy.
HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 15/12/2025
许hetconned引
Hetconned: understanding the temporal engineering of the contemporary far-right
Why the far-right keeps selling us a past that never existed
LEENA
DEC 14, 2025
S 1
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"America-a country in which forms of historical, political, and moral forgetting are not only willfully practiced, but celebrated-has become amnesiac." - Henry
A. Giroux, "The Violence of Organized Forgetting" (2014)
Particularly after the mass-onboarding event of the pandemic lockdowns, we've seen a whole new cast of characters on the far-right treating the internet as their stage. After the pandemic years unsettled our sense of time, it's hard not to feel especially unsteady watching them attempt to rewrite history. But they are. I'm calling this phenomenon tactic hetconning.
Hetconning is the retroactive straight-washing of history to frame queerness as a modern intrusion. Burning books, banning certain words from appearing on government websites, and otherwise vandalising the public record, are all examples of hetconning at work. Casting queerness or transness as "new" does real harm. It normalises homophobia and transphobia by framing queer lives as provisional, an optional addition to an otherwise heterosexual world. That framing has a chilling effect in the present, signalling to queer people that acceptance is conditional and fragile, and that visibility may carry a cost. When wielded as a political technology, it makes the exclusionary goals of the far-right feel "natural," or even inevitable. It's a disingenuous pretext used to justify attacks on LGBTQ+ people as a form of cultural self-defence—a narrative infrastructure that authoritarian politics relies on.
Strip queerness out of our history and you can sell people a world that never existed. Sell them that world, and you can radicalise them to defend it. Make their income rely on perpetuating it, and they're locked in. What you've built, at that point, is a baked-in recruitment pipeline, disguised as fighting for common sens…pattern.
"Why are women announcing on TikTok they shouldn't have the right to vote?"
"Why is the guy who gags down raw meat on livestreams raking in millions?!"
"Why are whole online subcultures convinced that policing gender could ever lead to liberation?"
When I scratch even lightly at these questions, a familiar architecture reveals itself: women framed as destabilising forces, men building empires out of weaponised grievance, and entire communities convinced exclusion is some necessary kind of cleansing.
I'd seen this pattern before, when writing my first book almost ten years ago, about Gamergate. At the time it masqueraded as a grassroots uprising against
"corruption" in games journalism; in practice it rehearsed the emotional and affective choreography that would later animate a much larger right-wing project. The same indignation, the same purification fantasies, the same insistence that women constituted a civilisational threat. The same capacity to turn grievance into a lucrative concern.
Steve Bannon has since admitted he treated gamers as a proving ground for testing his theories on how to inflame culture-war issues, a way to study how resentment circulates. He saw how quickly it could be weaponised, and how useful it could be for mass recruitment into the broader right-wing project. The chaos was never just chaos; it was data. And the far-right took detailed notes.
What was once chaotic and decentralised didn't stay that way. What emerged from that era was not just a mob but a model. Collect and capture the once-scattered outrage, engineer it to point in a certain direction, add gasoline, flick match, and walk away. The contemporary far-right no longer needs to wait for serendipitous flare-ups; it's constructed an industrialised grievance economy capable of manufacturing its own momentum.
Hetconning is central to that system. Borrowed from "retconning" in fiction, a portmanteau of "retroactive continuity," it refers to the narrative trick of reshaping a…they tap into, and the political work those tantasies pertorm.
Gamergate relied on multiple lies in order to function. One was quite a load-bearing fantasy: that games have always been the exclusive dominion of boys and men, and that girls are recent (and unwelcome) interlopers. I started to wonder about the role of the fantasy in the culture war boiler room, and what other myths were being engineered to keep the fires burning.
I'm interested in fantasy as a political technology, and I want to map the fantasies the far-right are trying to construct. These fantasies take different shapes across countries, but they all rely on the same manoeuvre: fabricate a golden age, demand everyone attend its funeral, get everyone riled up, then weaponise that grief.
"Circulating the phantasm of "gender" is also one way for existing powers-states, churches, political movements-to frighten people to come back into their ranks, to accept censorship, and to externalize their fear and hatred onto vulnerable communities." - Judith Butler, "Who's Afraid of Gender?" (2024)
I use the word fantasy here in deliberate opposition to the organising principle of a leftist utopia. Fantasy depends on fabrication, an invented past that never existed but must be believed in for reactionary politics to function. Utopia, in contrast, is what bell hooks describes as an ethical horizon, shaped by struggle, accountability, and collective care. It doesn't require the erasure of history, but rather demands a reckoning with it.
"To be truly visionary we have to root our imagination in our concrete reality while simultaneously imagining possibilities beyond that reality!" - bell hooks,
"Feminism is for Everybody: Passionate Politics" (2000)
Right-wing fantasy is a technology of control: nostalgic, exclusionary, grievance-based, demanding obedience in order to "retvrn". Leftist utopia-as hooks, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, José Esteban Muñoz, and others remind us-is a technology of liberation: collective, imaginativ…downstream of memory fights: when the past is successfully rewritten, the range of imaginable futures shrinks with it.
I've spent a long time paying attention to the internet's worst tendencies, to the misanthropes, the grievance entrepreneurs, the people turning cruelty into content and content into income, and I won't pretend that proximity hasn't taken a toll. Watching fantasies harden into actual policy can induce a kind of epistemic vertigo-the disorienting recognition (and subsequent weltschmerz) that our shared standards of truth are eroding in real time. Watching that erosion happen is destabilising. Writing about it is how I keep my footing.
Hannah Arendt warned that the ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the committed ideologue but the person for whom the distinction between fact and fiction has collapsed, where anything becomes believable and nothing feels solid.
I'm doing this work not because I think I'm going to save anyone, or crack some grand code that generations of far sharper minds somehow missed. It's partially a selfish sense-making exercise during a time of tumult, and partially a way to get back into a daily writing habit. This project isn't a manifesto or a pillar of the resistance; it's a record of how these fantasies operate, who they serve, and why they keep working. I plan to keep taking notes.
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leena @hetconned.bsky.social · 14/12/2025
Looking forward to having somewhere to put all these thoughts down. First fantasy in the firing line is the “Restorative Past” fantasy, coming soon. hetconned.substack.com
Hetconned: understanding the temporal engineering of the contemporary far-right
Why the far-right keeps selling us a past that never existed
HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM
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