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Georgia’s regime is closing the door on democratic change of power
Georgian Dream is seeking to ban its main opponents while blocking new parties from entering politics, raising questions about whether meaningful electoral competition can survive.
The ban of the country’s main pro-Western opposition forces is sought through the Constitutional Court, in a move that could make a democratic change of power increasingly difficult and deepen the country’s rift with the European Union.
The case has entered a new phase with the addition of another opposition party to the list of those facing a ban. The latest legal challenge, submitted to the Constitutional Court on 21 September, targets five political forces that together received almost 39% of the vote in the 2024 parliamentary elections, according to official figures that the opposition considers significantly underestimated.
A ruling is expected in the coming months, with Georgian Dream aiming to complete the process by the end of January 2027. If successful, the ban would be an unprecedented move against multiple opposition parties in independent Georgia and could mark a turning point in relations with the EU.
The campaign is part of a broader effort to reshape the political landscape. Alongside the legal proceedings against established parties, the authorities have also refused to register new political forces, raising concerns that voters could be left with fewer meaningful alternatives to the ruling party.
From protests to a legal offensive
Banning opposition parties was a political promise made by Bidzina Ivanishvili, the founder of Georgian Dream. Even before the 2024 parliamentary elections, he said he wanted to clear the political field for new political forces, arguing that parties “obsessed with radicalism” prevented the country from achieving lasting peace and stability.
The initiative gained momentum after mass protests in November and December 2024. Following what the authorities viewed as a challenge to their legitimacy, the government turned its attention to opposition parties involved in the protests.
The legal campaign began in October 2025, when Georgian Dream asked the Constitutional Court to declare three parties unconstitutional and ban them: the United National Movement, founded by former president Mikheil Saakashvili; the Coalition for Change; and Strong Georgia – Lelo.
In April 2026, the case was expanded to include the Federalist Party. On 21 September, the court received another updated lawsuit, this time seeking to ban For Georgia, the party led by former prime minister Giorgi Gakharia, who previously headed a government formed by Georgian Dream.
The ruling party groups these organisations under the label “collective party of Saakashvili”, portraying them as parts of a single political force rather than distinct opposition movements.
The lawsuits seek to have the parties declared unconstitutional, banned and stripped of their registration. Their stated grounds include allegations that the parties seek to overthrow Georgia’s constitutional order, change it by force, undermine the country’s independence and violate its territorial integrity.
Georgian Dream also cites the opposition’s refusal to recognise the legitimacy of the parliament elected in 2024 and its calls for the EU and the U.S. to impose sanctions on Georgian authorities, characterising these actions as sabotage against the state.
However, the allegations underpinning the lawsuits have not been established by court judgments. The government’s case relies largely on the findings of a temporary parliamentary investigative commission headed by Tea Tsulukiani, rather than on final judicial rulings confirming the accusations.
Who gets to remain in politics?
The proposed ban is not intended to cover every opposition party. Georgian Dream has deliberately excluded smaller political forces, arguing that banning parties without significant political influence or realistic prospects of crossing the electoral threshold would be inappropriate.
That approach raises a further concern: parties could face a ban not only because of their alleged activities but also because they become politically influential enough to challenge the government.
Parties aligned with Georgian Dream, including political forces advocating the restoration of relations with Russia, have not been targeted under the current campaign.
Georgia has little precedent for such a move. In August 1991, the country’s Supreme Court banned the Communist Party and several communist associations. Since then, no leader of independent Georgia has pursued a comparable ban on political opponents.
The authorities’ parallel efforts to prevent new parties from entering politics could further narrow the space for political competition.
One prominent example is Georgia First, led by Viktor Kipiani, a lawyer whose former clients included Ivanishvili. Despite his professional background, the Ministry of Justice refused to register the new party. The case has fuelled concerns that other emerging opposition movements could face similar obstacles.
Taken together, the measures could leave opposition voters with fewer ways to organise politically, contest elections and seek a change of government through democratic means.
A judge’s resignation raises questions
The case has also exposed tensions within the Constitutional Court itself.
On 12 October, judge Manana Kobakhidze requested that she withdraw from the proceedings, citing her previous role as a founder and leader of Georgian Dream, as well as her past service as a member of parliament and her public criticism of Saakashvili’s party and other opposition forces.
Kobakhidze argued that her involvement could raise doubts about the impartiality of a decision on whether to ban those parties. The court rejected her request, prompting her to submit a resignation instead.
Temur Gogokhiya was expected to fill the resulting vacancy but subsequently withdrew his candidacy.
The episode has drawn attention to the institutional pressures surrounding a case with potentially far-reaching consequences for Georgia’s political system.
It also comes against the backdrop of concerns about possible Western sanctions. Kobakhidze’s decision to resign rather than remain involved in the proceedings has been linked to the prospect of being subjected to such measures.
For Georgia’s European partners, the outcome could become another test of the country’s democratic commitments. A ban on the main opposition forces, combined with restrictions on the registration of new parties, would raise fundamental questions about whether political competition can remain meaningful.
The founder and director of EUalive’s parner media in Georgia Batumilebi/Netgazeti Mzia Amaglobeli faces inhuman treatment, being detained under politically motivated charges. Batumilebi/Netgazeti, as an independent and uninfluenced media outlet founded by Mzia Amaglobeli in 2001, believes that she is a prisoner of conscience of the pro-Russian regime, does not intend to compromise, demands her immediate release, and continues to fight for freedom of speech.
This article draws on reporing by EUalive’s partners European Pravda and Netgazeti .
Caption: Founder of the Georgian Dream party Bidzina Ivanishvili attends the funeral service of the late Georgia’s Orthodox Patriarch Ilia II at the Sioni Cathedral in Tbilisi, Georgia, 22 March 2026. EPA/GIORGI ARJEVANIDZE / POOL
